The agricultural and forest products of British West Africa

~_Imperial Institute Handbooks_~

The Agricultural And Forest Products Of British West Africa

IMPERIAL INSTITUTE SERIES OF HANDBOOKS TO THE COMMERCIAL RESOURCES OF THE TROPICS, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO BRITISH WEST AFRICA

Issued Under The Authority Of The Secretary Of State For The Colonies

Edited By Wyndham R. Dunstan, C.M.G., M.A., LL.D., F.R.S

DIRECTOR OF THE IMPERIAL INSTITUTE; PRESIDENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR TROPICAL AGRICULTURE

[Illustration: =WEST AFRICA=

Territory held by Great Britain under Mandate is hatched in Red. [Legend]

_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]

~_Imperial Institute Handbooks_~

=The Agricultural And Forest Products Of British West Africa=

BY GERALD C. DUDGEON, C.B.E. LATELY CONSULTING AGRICULTURIST AND DIRECTOR-GENERAL OF AGRICULTURE IN EGYPT; PREVIOUSLY INSPECTOR OF AGRICULTURE FOR BRITISH WEST AFRICA

WITH A PREFACE BY WYNDHAM R. DUNSTAN, C.M.G., M.A., LL.D., F.R.S. DIRECTOR OF THE IMPERIAL INSTITUTE

_Second Edition_

With Maps And Illustrations

London John Murray, Albemarle Street, W. 1922

All Rights Reserved

=Preface To The Second Edition=

Since the first edition of this book appeared, British West Africa has experienced a serious set-back in its development through the occurrence of the Great European War. From that war, however, many lessons will have been learnt, which will, it is hoped, make the course of progress in the future more sure and perhaps more rapid.

The cultivation of cotton has now been shown to be successful and profitable in Nigeria. In the Northern Provinces great progress has been made in perfecting a cotton originally grown from “American Upland” seed, whilst the Southern Provinces have produced increasing quantities of an improved native cotton of the type of “Middling American.” The future of cotton production in Nigeria is now assured, and its further development chiefly depends on effective action being taken on commercial lines.

The products of the oil palm and especially palm kernels have been in increased demand for edible purposes, the war having led to a far greater use of margarine and similar materials. The perfection of processes for the better extraction of palm oil from the fruits which had nearly reached success at the outbreak of war now awaits completion, when a large additional source of edible oil will be available. In the meantime the trial cultivation of this palm in other countries has been attended with remarkable success, the growth of the palm in plantations having been entirely satisfactory and furnished yields of oil which exceed those given by the wild palm in West Africa. The Dutch East Indies, where large plantations have been made, and also British Malaya, where similar enterprise has been shown, may before long be formidable rivals to West Africa in the production of palm kernels and palm oil. The neglect in West Africa of the wild trees, the imperfect methods followed in extracting the palm oil, and the large number of palms unutilised are questions which now need renewed attention, and in fact the entire subject of the development of the palm-oil industry in West Africa demands the most serious study in all its aspects if the industry is not to be supplanted by the enterprise of other countries.

In this and other directions where the continuous acquisition of new knowledge is requisite, it is satisfactory to learn that the staffs of the Agricultural Departments in West Africa are to be extended and better remunerated. In addition to this step, and perhaps equally important, will be the increased interest and activity of those merchants and manufacturers who utilise the raw materials of the country, and to whom the commercial development of West Africa has hitherto owed so much.

There are many other subjects which, it will be seen from the new edition of this book, have come to the front since the first edition appeared, and now need increased attention.

The only rubber tree which has survived as a producer in the years of strenuous competition is _Hevea brasiliensis_, from which Para rubber is obtained. Successful plantations of this tree have been established both in the Southern Provinces of Nigeria and in the Gold Coast, and from the former commercial rubber is now being produced of quality equal to that of the rubber plantations of the East.

The Gold Coast has become the chief cocoa producer of the world, but it is clear that unremitting care and attention in connection with the cultivation and the preparation of cocoa in that country will be necessary if that supremacy is to be maintained.

In connection with the production of fibres, cinchona bark, cinnamon, tobacco, and many other materials, there are promising possibilities in various parts of West Africa, including those new territories for which, as a result of the war, Great Britain is now responsible. Above all, there is the dominant problem of the growth of foodstuffs sufficient to maintain the native populations of these countries.

Mr. Dudgeon, within the limits imposed in the production of a revised but not greatly enlarged edition, has successfully brought this Handbook up-to-date, and it is hoped that it will continue to serve as a standard guide to all those who require general information respecting the agricultural and forest products of West Africa.

Wyndham R. Dunstan.

IMPERIAL INSTITUTE, _March_ 1921.

=Preface To The First Edition=

The present series of Handbooks is intended to present a general account of the principal commercial resources of the tropics, and has been written with special reference to the resources of British West Africa. These Handbooks will furnish a description of the occurrence, cultivation and uses of those tropical materials, such as cotton and other fibres, cocoa, rubber, oil-seeds, tobacco, etc., which are of importance to the producer in the tropics, as well as to the manufacturer and consumer in Europe.

Without attempting to include all the detailed information of a systematic treatise on each of the subjects included, it is believed that these Volumes will contain much information which will be of value to the tropical agriculturist as well as to the merchant and manufacturer. They will also be of importance to Government Officials in tropical Colonies where the advancement of the Country and the welfare of its inhabitants depend so largely on the development of natural resources. In recent years those candidates who are selected for administrative appointments under the Colonial Office in British West Africa are required to pass through a short course of instruction in tropical cultivation and products, which is now arranged at the Imperial Institute. For these prospective officials the present series of Handbooks will be helpful in the study of a large and generally unfamiliar subject. Similarly it is believed that the series will provide a valuable aid to the teaching of commercial geography. It is hoped also that the Handbooks will not be without interest for the student of Imperial and national problems.

The increase in the productivity of the tropics, and especially of the tropical regions within the British Empire, is important, not only for the natives of those countries, and others who are actually engaged in tropical enterprise, but for the merchant and manufacturer at home. The preparation for general use of cotton and other fibres, of tea, coffee and cocoa, of oils, of tobacco, and of numerous other products exported from the tropics, provides the means of employment and livelihood for a very large proportion of the working population of this country, whilst every one at home is interested in securing an adequate supply at a moderate cost of these necessaries and luxuries of life.

The subjects of these Handbooks, treated as they will be, as far as possible, in non-technical language, should therefore appeal to a large class of readers.

The present Handbook deals with the Agricultural and Forest Products of British West Africa and serves as an introduction to this series. Mr. Dudgeon, who until lately was Inspector of Agriculture in the West African Colonies and Protectorates, writes with an unrivalled knowledge of his subject, and gives a comprehensive account of the vegetable products of that country, which will afford to the general reader some idea of the enormous possibilities of this British territory now in the process of rapid commercial development.

Wyndham R. Dunstan.

IMPERIAL INSTITUTE, S.W. _March 1911_.

=Contents=

Part I Pages The Gambia 1-14

Part II Sierra Leone 15-42

Part III The Gold Coast, Ashanti, And The Northern Territories 43-92

Part IV Nigeria—Southern Provinces 93-119

Part V Nigeria—Northern Provinces 120-164

Index 165-176

=List Of Maps And Illustrations=

SKETCH MAP OF BRITISH WEST AFRICA _Frontispiece_

Gambia And Sierra Leone Opposite Page

Jolah With Native Hand-Plough, Bullelai, Fogni 3

Canary Island Plough, Agricultural School, Abuko 3

RUBBER TREE (_Ficus vogelii_) AT BATHURST 3

RUBBER VINE (_Landolphia heudelotii_) AT KOTOO 9

CEARA RUBBER TREE (_Manihot glaziovii_) AT BAKAU 9

RUBBER TREE (_Castilloa elastica_) AT KOTOO 9

Fruits Of Oil Palms, Sierra Leone 13

Sweet Cassava, With Baobab Trees, Bakau 13

Indigo Dyers, Mccarthy Island 13

Sketch Map Of Gambia And Sierra Leone 15

OIL PALMS (_Elæis guineensis_), MAFOKOYIA 21

Native Collecting Oil Palm Fruit, Blama 21

Kola Tree At Mano 21

Native Weaver At Pendembu 35

Gold Coast

Kumassi, The Capital Of Ashanti 35

STONE VAT FOR POUNDING PALM FRUITS, WITH SURROUNDING 35 GUTTER AND OIL WELL, KROBO PLANTATIONS

Sketch Map Of Gold Coast 43

Cocoa At Mramra Attacked By Black Cocoa-Bark Bug 51

Drying Cocoa Beans At Mramra 51

NATIVE TAPPING INDIGENOUS RUBBER TREE (_Funtumia 51 elastica_), OBOAMANG, ASHANTI

“ODUM” TREES (_Chlorophora excelsa_) 61

PARA RUBBER TREE (_Hevea brasiliensis_), TAPPED AT ABURI 61

Rubber Tree Tapped, Herring-Bone System Imperfect, Aburi 61

Nigeria—Southern Provinces

Sketch Map Of Southern Nigeria 93

Straining Oil From The Fibrous Pulp Of The Oil Palm, 97 Oshogbo

Cotton Bales, Marlborough Ginnery, Ibadan 97

AFARA TREE (_Terminalia superba_) AT OLOKOMEJI 97

Dwarf Cattle, Illara 119

Owo 119

Nigeria—Northern Provinces

HAUSSA CULTIVATING IMPLEMENTS (LEFT TO RIGHT: I. 119 FATAINYA, II. GARMA, III. SANGUMI), NORTHERN PROVINCES

Sketch Map Of Northern Nigeria 120

SHEA-BUTTER TREE (_Butyrospermum Parkii_), WITH 130 NUT-COLLECTORS, ILORIN

YIELDING GUM TREE (_Acacia caffra_) AT KONTAGORA 130

LOCUST-BEAN TREE (_Parkia filicoidea_) AT ILORIN 130

Village Of Fogola, Built Of Guinea-Corn Stalks 137

Outside The Emir’S Palace, Kano 137

Near The Southern Gate, Zaria 137

British Cotton Growing Association Ginnery, Ogudu, Ilorin 155

Gwari Town, Opposite Minna, South Of Zaria 155

Cow Fulani Woman Selling Milk At Gwari 155

=The Gambia=

=INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.= =Geographical Position.=—The Gambia Colony and Protectorate consists of a narrow tract of country following the winding course of the river from which it takes its name, for a distance of about 250 miles, and extending approximately four miles from the river on both banks.

The whole country lies between 12° 10′ and 13° 15′ north latitude and 13° 50′ and 16° 40′ west longitude. It is the most northerly of the British West African possessions.

=Area and Population.=—The extent of territory is said to be 3,619 square miles, much of which consists of low-lying land intersected by creeks and rivers, which under tidal influence are often densely afforested with mangroves.

According to the census of 1911 the Colony and Protectorate had populations of 7,700 and 138,401 respectively, totalling 146,101. The total of 90,404 given in the previous census is now admitted to have been below the actual amount. A large migratory farming community exists, coming annually from the adjoining countries, for the purpose of raising groundnut crops. This in 1911 numbered 3,367. Many of these immigrants are reported to have remained and established themselves permanently under the British flag.

=Tribes.=—The principal tribes inhabiting the Gambia are the Mandingoes, Foulahs, Joloffs, and Jolahs. The first-named are the most numerous, and are, generally speaking, Mohammedans, although there are many “Sonninkis” or spirit drinkers among them. The Foulahs are identical with the Fulanis of the Gold Coast and Northern Nigeria, and are frequently fair-skinned without negroid features. They are said to be strictly Mohammedan, and to have originated from the country near the source of the Senegal river. The Joloffs occupy the northern bank of the Gambia river, and extend well into Senegal. The Jolahs inhabit the province of Fogni, and spread into the confines of French territory towards the Casamance river. They are a curious race, given to living in small family villages, and are said to be vindictive. They are of a lower type than the three other tribes mentioned, and are jealous of their rights.

=Political Divisions.=—The Protectorate is divided into five districts, each under the control of a Travelling Commissioner. These districts are named in accordance with their positions: North Bank, South Bank, M‘Carthy Island, Kommbo and Fogni, and Upper River.

=Natural Conditions.=—The climatic conditions of the country are favourable to the breeding of cattle and horses, although in the vicinity of the river and creeks two species of tsetse fly are common. By carefully preventing animals from straying into these infested tracts the spread of fly-borne disease is held in check, and cases are comparatively rare.

During the dry season, which often occupies seven months in the year, from November to May, the highest maximum and the lowest minimum temperatures are recorded; the range being from 41° (lowest minimum, March 1909) to 105° (highest maximum, March 1909 and April 1911). The rainfall, of which official records are kept at Bathurst, varies considerably, as the following extract will serve to show:

1901 45·31 inches 1910 44·00 inches 1902 29·42 „ 1911 28·14 „ 1903 57·13 „ 1912 33·99 „ 1904 38·02 „ 1913 23·68 „ 1905 66·07 „ 1914 48·91 „ 1906 64·36 „ 1915 47·64 „ 1907 34·00 „ 1916 38·02 „ 1908 43·54 „ 1917 37·68 „ 1909 56·59 „ 1918 54·03 „

=Soil.=—The soil generally is of a light sandy nature, becoming stiffer as the undulating regions of the upper river are approached. The low countries are subject to flood in the rainy season, and are only favourable for rice cultivation.

[Illustration: JOLAH WITH NATIVE HAND-PLOUGH, BULLELAI, FOGNI.

Fig. 1, p. 3.]

[Illustration: CANARY ISLAND PLOUGH, AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL, ABUKO.

Fig. 2, p. 3.]

[Illustration: RUBBER TREE (_FICUS VOGELII_) AT BATHURST.

Fig. 3, p. 9.]

=Chief Crops.=—The country is rather sparsely populated, but, on the whole, the people are fair cultivators and prepare their lands in a careful manner. Practically the only crop grown for export is the groundnut, monkey-nut, or earth-pea (_Arachis hypogæa_), which forms by far the most important article of cultivation. Alternating this with the staple food-crops of the country, namely, guinea-corn, maize, millet, and cassava, a fairly useful form of rotation is obtained.

=Implements.=—Cultivation among the Mandingoes and Joloffs is performed by means of a large wooden-bladed, iron-shod hoe, with which the loose earth ridges are thrown up. A small iron hoe is used for keeping down weeds and clearing. In the Jolah country a handplough is employed, consisting of a flat blade attached to a pole, and pushed in front of the operator, so as to throw up a shallow ridge. This is shown in the picture which represents a native with the implement at Bullelai (Fig. 1).

=Ploughing.=—Cattle are plentiful, even to the extent of there being an insufficiency of fodder for them in the dry season in some localities. They are chiefly kept for the purpose of displaying the wealth of their owners, and are not employed for any kind of farm work. Notwithstanding the shortage of manual labour and the successful demonstrations made by the Government, through the agency of the Roman Catholic Fathers at the Abuko Agricultural School, to prove the value of substituting animal draught for manual labour in tilling the land, the prejudice on the part of the natives against the use of their cattle for ploughing or cartage has not been overcome. A photograph is given showing a native with a Canary Island plough drawn by locally-trained bullocks (Fig. 2). Owing to the failure attending the efforts to introduce ploughing and cattle breeding at Abuko, where, for the latter purpose, some Ayrshire bulls were provided, the Govermnent withdrew the provisional subsidy in 1911.

=Land Tenure.=—Land ownership is hereditary and descends from father to son among the Mandingoes and Joloffs. No fees are paid or presents given to chiefs when a transfer is made. Europeans can rent land from Government in cases where it is not held or claimed by a native. Grants are apparently issued for various periods, but freehold rights are not given.

The rules regarding the itinerant, so-called “strange farmers,” who annually visit the country to plant groundnuts, vary to some extent in different parts of the Protectorate. Where hereditary ruling chiefs exist, a tax of 4_s_. per head is paid to them. In other places, half of this tax goes to Government, one-quarter to the chief, and one-quarter to the farmer’s landlord. The landowner generally gives the groundnut seed and food as well as a piece of land to be cultivated. In payment for the seed and food, it is a rule to give one-tenth of the crop. During the time the strange farmer is in occupation he is expected to give one or two days’ work each week on the landowner’s own farm.

=Labour.=—There is no fixed rate paid by the Government for labour. All the work on a farm is done by the owner and his own boys, but occasionally others come in to assist from the neighbouring farms, but no payment is made—only a present of kolas being usually given.

=Agricultural Schools.=—An agricultural school, previously referred to, was started at Abuko, near Lammin, under the Roman Catholic Fathers there, and a subsidy was granted by the Government especially for the purpose of educating the sons of large cultivators and chiefs in the use of ploughs and other labour-saving implements. A stipulation was made that the work should be inspected by a Government officer from time to time.

In spite of this a fear was expressed at the outset that the attendance at these schools would be disappointing, in view of the fact that Mohammedan chiefs would be restrained by their mallams from sending their children where there might be a risk of their religious conversion. Although it had been specially laid down that no religious teaching would be insisted upon, the fear proved justified and the school never became a success, the attendance being only of a few aliens. Since the closing of this school no renewal of agricultural instruction seems to have been made.

=Chief Exports.=—The following table gives the average amounts and values of the chief exports for 1900-10, and the individual figures for the remaining years to 1918.

Groundnuts Rubber lbs. Beeswax lbs. Palm Kernels Year tons and value and value and value tons and value

1900-10 Av. 39,000 tons 46,000 lbs. 45,500 lbs. 255 tons

£250,000 £3,500 £2,000 £2,260

1911 47,931 tons 10,733 lbs. 33,871 lbs. 443 tons

£437,472 £836 £1,514 £4,758

1912 64,169 tons 4,335 lbs. 30,830 lbs. 445 tons

£502,069 £409 £1,164 £6,518

1913 67,404 tons 12,995 lbs. 31,518 lbs. 546 tons

£622,098 £1,027 £990 £9,026

1914 66,885 tons 3,548 lbs. 15,513 lbs. 495 tons

£650,461 £102 £473 £7,815

1915 96,152 tons 1,171 lbs. 9,563 lbs. 326 tons

£400,435 £31 £311 £5,457

1916 46,366 tons 355 lbs. 6,950 lbs. 669 tons

£506,098 £23 £104 £14,671

1917 74,300 tons 1,753 lbs. 3,962 lbs. 532 tons

£869,790 £187 £247 £7,994

1918 56,489 tons 564 lbs. 8,626 lbs. 644 tons

£800,319 £40 £501 £9,800

_Note._—Cotton exports were 59,828 lbs. and 2,572 lbs. in 1904 and 1905 respectively. None has been exported since.

=GROUNDNUTS.=—This commodity is by far the most important exported product, and is alone subject to a duty levied by the Administration.

=Uses.=—The undecorticated nuts are shipped, chiefly, to the French ports and to Hamburg, for the expression of an oil of excellent quality, of which they yield on an average about 30 per cent., estimated on the weight of the raw material. This is equivalent to about 44 per cent. of the weight of the extracted kernels.

The mode of extraction in general employment in France is to grind the kernels into a fine meal, from which the first quality of oil is extracted by cold expression, yielding about 18 per cent. The meal is then moistened with cold water, and at the second expression 6 per cent. more is obtained. Both of these oils are useful for alimentary purposes. A third expression is made from the residue treated with hot water, and gives a further 6 per cent., which is chiefly employed for lighting purposes, lubricating and soap-making. The fine oils are substituted for, or mixed with, the olive-oils of commerce for salad oils, and enter into the manufacture of oleo-margarine. After these expressions of oil have been made, the meal is pressed into cakes and used for cattle-food and manurial purposes.

=Classification and Description of the Groundnut Plant.=—The groundnut belongs to the Sub-Order _Papilionaceæ_, of the Order _LEGUMINOSÆ_, and is termed _Arachis hypogæa_, Linn.

The plant cultivated in Senegal and the Gambia grows in a spreading form, with branches of from 12 to 18 inches in length, and possesses oval leaflets given off in double pairs. A large number of conspicuous yellow flowers appear from the upper leaf axils, but are not capable of fertilisation. Those springing from the lower leaf axils nearest the ground are small and generally hidden, but produce fruitful pods. After fertilisation the stems of these flowers become elongated, and are directed downwards, forcing the ovary into the ground, in which it commences to swell to the mature size, frequently penetrating to a depth of two inches beneath the surface.

The fruit is a pale straw-coloured, irregularly-cylindrical pod, with the surface of the shell pitted and longitudinally ribbed. In the Gambian variety, which is identical with the common Senegalese kind, there are usually two kernels in each pod, but three or one are also found.

The plant is of doubtful origin, but it is generally supposed that it may have been introduced into Africa from Brazil (where the genus _Arachis_ is well represented) nearly four centuries ago, by the Portuguese slave-traders.

About 1840 groundnuts began to attract the attention of European manufacturers, on account of the value of the oil obtained from them, and, in common with the Senegalese, the Gambian natives were induced to undertake cultivation upon a large scale.

The nuts grown in the Gambia and in Saloum, in the French territory adjoining on the north, are classed as of second quality; those from Cayor and Rufisque holding the first, and those from the Casamance and Portuguese Guinea the third, places.

The seeds are sown upon ridges with flattened tops, and the crop occupies the ground for about four months—July to October—corresponding to the period of heavy rainfall in the country. When the branches commence to wither, the whole plant is carefully pulled up, so that the pods, which are then mature, remain attached. The plants are then stacked in the fields, and are often covered over with the leaves of the fan-palm. The green parts dry into a hay, which, when the pods have been beaten out, is used as horse-fodder. The advent of rain after stacking often does great damage to the crop, but the occurrence is so rare that it has been found difficult to induce the native to take common precautions against it. During the last two years, however, the Government have taken steps to enforce a regulation with regard to this, and in consequence drains are now generally cut around the stacks, and coverings of palm-leaves are left on until the nuts are ready to be beaten out.

In the Jolah country raised platforms are constructed for stacking this crop as well as others. After the nuts have been beaten out from the dried plants, they are winnowed by allowing them to fall from a slight elevation in a gentle breeze.

A good crop of nuts in the Gambia is estimated at about 44 bushels per acre, equivalent to over half a ton, but larger yields are frequently obtained. The Government standard bushel is used throughout the country, and may contain from 25 to 31 lbs. of undecorticated nuts.

Experiments have been made from time to time, to establish a three-kernel nut instead of the two-kernel one, but the results obtained have not shown that any advantage could be gained in this way. Other varieties of nuts have been introduced and cultivated, but no extensive planting of new kinds has yet been found worth adoption.

The plant seldom suffers from severe attacks of disease, although a white fungus was prevalent in some localities in 1906. This affection was termed “tio jarankaro” by the Mandingoes. In the succeeding year it completely disappeared, and has not been reported to have occurred since. The extermination of this disease was doubtless in a large measure due to the careful way in which the selection and distribution of seed had been carried out. For several years the Government has been accustomed to purchase a certain quantity of the best nuts each season, and to distribute these at sowing time to the cultivators, on credit. Without this precaution, in a season when the prices for nuts were high, the thriftless native would be induced to sell every nut, reserving nothing for sowing the next year. The system adopted is greatly appreciated by the cultivators and merchants alike, and has without doubt contributed largely to the prosperity of the country. Seed is not only interchanged, in this manner, with advantage between different districts, but fresh seed is sometimes also provided from Senegal.

The immigrant or “strange farmers” are generally welcomed by the land-owners, who usually manage to lease them the fields which require the most cleaning. After the immigrant farmer has reaped his groundnut crop, the field is left in a good state of tilth for the owner to sow his guinea corn.

The occurrence of ruinous competition among merchants at Bathurst induced them to form a “combine” to regulate the buying price of nuts; the purchases being pooled and then divided according to a fixed scale. A recent attempt to divert Gambian nuts to Senegal ports for shipment, by the levy of an import tax at Marseilles, was opposed by the French and British merchants alike, and the fear that the produce might only be diverted to another destination led to its abandonment. For further information regarding the cultivation, varieties and uses of groundnuts, see _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. viii. (1910), pp. 153-72.

=RUBBER.=—A good quality of rubber is produced in the Jolah country, in particular, from _Landolphia Heudelotii_, an apocynaceous vine, which grows commonly in the grass lands of Fogni.

The vine is tapped by women, who, after digging a hole near the root of the plant, make a number of transverse cuts upon the root-stem. The latex flows rapidly from such cuts, and is coagulated by throwing salt water on the wound. The scrap rubber which forms is collected the following day, and the pieces are attached to one another, forming an open sponge-like ball of a pinkish-white colour. Sand is often present in these balls owing to the fallen latex being added to the rest.

[Illustration: RUBBER VINE (_LANDOLPHIA HEUDELOTII_) AT KOTOO.

Fig. 4. p. 9.]

[Illustration: CEARA RUBBER TREE (_MANIHOT GLAZIOVII_) AT BAKAU.

Fig. 5, p. 10.]

[Illustration: RUBBER TREE (_CASTILLOA ELASTICA_) AT KOTOO.

Fig. 6, p. 10.]

In addition to the inhabitants themselves collecting rubber, natives belonging to a tribe from Portuguese Guinea, called “Manjagos,” travel through the country for the purpose; the rubber which they obtain being sold in the French Colony to the south of the Gambia. The “Manjagos” are said to make a semicircular cut upon the thick vine-stems just above the ground, to induce the better flow of latex. This, they maintain, is not a destructive method, and that, as the root stock is uninjured, the plant continues to yield latex for a long time. At one time the rubber vine must have been plentiful, but the rush for it which occurred at the beginning of the present century has had the effect of exterminating it, except in the more inaccessible places. The export has declined and is now insignificant. The plant is known to the Mandingoes as “Folio.” An illustration is given showing this plant at Kotoo (Fig. 4).

_Landolphia florida_, Benth., is common in places similar to those where the last-mentioned vine occurs, but the latex is not used in any way to adulterate the good rubber, nor is inferior “paste” rubber made from it, as in other places in West Africa. _Ficus Vogelii_, known as “Kobbo” (Mandingo), has recently been used for extracting an inferior rubber, which has been shipped in small quantities. This tree is found growing in Bathurst as well as in many of the large towns, where it often attains a large size, and affords an excellent shade for native markets, etc. A view of a tree in Bathurst is shown (Fig. 3). Information regarding the composition and value of the rubber of _Ficus Vogelii_ is given in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. vii. (1909), p. 260.

Some of the South American species of rubber trees have been planted at different places, but for the most part the climatic conditions have proved unsuitable for their establishment. An exception to this is the Ceara rubber (_Manihot Glaziovii_), large trees of which were to be seen in Bathurst and at Bakau, but in the latter locality appear to have been cut down during recent years. It is generally acknowledged that Ceara rubber has not proved successful in plantations made in different parts of West Africa, for, although rubber of the finest quality can be easily prepared from the latex, the tree furnishes an extremely inconstant yield of latex. In the Gambia the tree reproduces readily, and, as far as can be judged, produces a latex capable of being coagulated into good rubber. As a shade tree it is recommended to be grown along public roads, and it might prove expedient in the country to make small experimental plantations, in the manner adopted in Togoland and elsewhere. By this system, tapping is continued for a few years, and whole blocks of trees are cut out as they cease to yield latex—the seedlings which have sprung up beneath these trees being permitted to take the place of the original trees. An illustration showing a Ceara rubber tree at Bakau is given (Fig. 5).

One specimen of _Castilloa elastica_, of which a photograph is given (Fig. 6), is growing in the Kotoo farm, about 12 miles from Bathurst. This tree has not, so far, proved successful in West Africa, and the example photographed is apparently in better condition than those grown in the Botanic Gardens of the Gold Coast and Southern Nigeria.

_Funtumia elastica_, the Lagos silk rubber tree, does not thrive in the Gambia, and the rainfall has been found to be insufficiently distributed for the cultivation of the Para rubber tree (_Hevea brasiliensis_).

The observed facts point to the conclusion that further experimental trials of certain species of rubber trees in the Gambia should be made.

=BEESWAX.=—It will be observed that a large quantity of beeswax is annually exported, the quality of which is high. The native bee is a small form of _Apis mellifera_, var. _Adansonii_. It is found in a wild state forming nests in hollow trees or rock cavities. The Mandingoes collect the wild swarms and confine them in basket-hives, cylindrical in form and sometimes plastered over with mud. These are placed in high trees or in abandoned huts. The wax is sold in a crude form to the Bathurst merchants, who boil it down and strain it previous to shipment. The European market value of the cleaned wax is from £5 to £6 per cwt. A detailed description of methods for the refining of wild bees’ wax for export is published in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. viii. (1910), pp. 23-31.

=PALM KERNELS.=—The West African oil palm, _Elæis guineensis_, is found commonly in some parts, but the heads produced are small and carry small fruits, containing little oil. This oil is used locally, and the kernels from the nuts alone are shipped. The palm is chiefly valued for the production of palm wine, which is tapped from the base of the fruiting stems into funnelled gourds, hung beneath the holes. The tree is apparently never felled for the purpose, and, by limiting the amount of wine extracted, it survives for a long period.

=COTTON.=—The Mandingoes and Jolahs cultivate cotton for making the yarn used in their native looms, in which they weave the strips of cloth called “pagns.” These strips are afterwards sewn together along their lateral edges and made into gowns.

The native cotton plant varies somewhat in appearance. In Kommbo, a long straggling form occurs, which is retained for two seasons to produce cotton, but in the Jolah country a small annual is most frequently seen. The former is grown as a mixed crop and the latter in separate patches.

In quality, from the European spinner’s point of view, the Mandingo cotton lint compares favourably with the commercial type called “middling American” as far as length of staple is concerned, although it is not so white, nor is there so much silkiness apparent. It has been rightly remarked that the native variety, if properly cultivated, would probably give a better result than would be obtained from the introduction of American seed. The Jolah cotton is short-stapled and woolly, though whiter than the Mandingo. It would be more difficult to improve this kind sufficiently to suit the European demand.

Egyptian cotton seed was tried in the Gambia about twenty years ago, and the variety was at first considered suitable; the cultivation was, however, not proceeded with, owing to local difficulties.

The obstacles which hindered the development of cotton-growing in the Gambia for export were the same as those experienced in Sierra Leone. The local demand for raw cotton precluded it from being obtained at a sufficiently low price to leave a margin of profit to exporters, and in addition to this, labour was not sufficiently abundant, nor were the natives familiar with labour-saving methods in cultivation. Attempts to establish an interest in the matter produced a fair amount of raw cotton in 1904, but since that year the exported quantity rapidly diminished and has now ceased altogether. For reports on the quality of the cotton produced in the Gambia see Professor Dunstan’s _British Cotton Cultivation_ (Colonial Reports—Miscellaneous Series, Cd. 3997, 1908), p. 26, and _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1921. Samples may be seen in the Imperial Institute Collections.

=GRAIN CROPS.=—No grain is exported, as owing to the work of the scanty population being so largely applied to the cultivation of groundnuts, scarcely sufficient food-stuff is grown for their own requirements. Guinea-corn (_Sorghum vulgare_), the two most important varieties of which are known as “Bassi” and “Kinto” in the Mandingo language, are commonly used for food, but during recent years, owing to the repeated annual attacks on the crop by _Aphis sorghi_, maize-growing was substituted in some parts of the country. White maize seed was obtained from Lagos, and yellow maize seed from the Canary Islands, but the grain is not appreciated to the same extent as Guinea corn. _Pennisetum typhoideum_, the large millet, of which the commonest variety is known in Mandingo as “Sannio,” is alternated with Guinea corn or maize, but is often badly affected by a “smut fungus” (_Ustilago sp._), which also attacks the “Kinto” variety of Guinea corn. A small grass is often grown in the millet fields, yielding a crop of fine seed which is made into flour for the preparation of a kind of porridge. This is termed “Findi” locally. Rice (_Oryza sativa_) is somewhat extensively grown in the swamp lands, but the success of the crop is very largely dependent on the distribution of the rainfall. Whole tracts of rice fields are destroyed in some years, owing to excessive floods, as no precautions are taken to guard against them. It is chiefly on account of the uncertainty of the grain crops, that a large quantity of rice has to be imported annually to supplement that produced in the country. These imports often amount to six or seven thousand tons.

[Illustration: FRUITS OF OIL PALMS, SIERRA LEONE.

Fig. 9, p. 21.]

[Illustration: SWEET CASSAVA, WITH BAOBAB TREES, BAKAU.

Fig. 7, p. 13.]

[Illustration: INDIGO DYERS, McCARTHY ISLAND.

Fig. 8, p. 13.]

=ROOT AND OTHER CROPS.=—Sweet cassava (_Manihot palmata_) is frequently planted as a terminal crop in the crude rotation employed. This variety can be eaten without previously washing or cooking. An illustration of a cassava field is given (Fig. 7). Two or three kinds of beans are planted, though not extensively in spite of a good local demand for them. Okra (_Hibiscus esculentus_), cultivated for the edible fruit pods, indigo (_Indigofera sp._) employed for making the local blue dye, and tobacco (_Nicotiana tabacum_), are planted near houses. A photograph is given exhibiting the different utensils required for the preparation of indigo, and cakes of the dried and fermented indigo stalks, in the form in which they are preserved, are shown suspended in the illustration (Fig. 8). The tobacco prepared is usually ground into snuff, in which form it is used for chewing as well as for smoking.

=TANNING.=—Goat-skins are tanned in the manner similar to that employed by the Haussas; _Acacia arabica_ pods being used in the process. The people who perform the work of preparing and working leather are termed “Korankos.” Red and black inks, purchased from the European merchants, are used for staining the leather, which is inferior to that produced in Northern Nigeria (see p. 142).

=FIBRES.=—The country seems to be plentifully supplied with fibre plants in a wild state, chiefly belonging to different species of _Hibiscus_. These are of the jute class, and are used throughout the country for making native ropes. Indian jute (_Corchorus capsularis_) has been tried experimentally at Kotoo, and excellent samples were obtained, but the quantity of fibre per acre turned out to be small, and the working proved to be too expensive.

The preparation of piassava, which had been abandoned for many years, is said to have been taken up again by a British firm in 1915. The fibre is obtained from the leaf sheath of a palm (_Raphia vinifera_) which grows plentifully along the banks of the Gambia in places. For further information see _Selected Reports from the Imperial Institute_, Pt. I., Fibres, and _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1915.

=TIMBER.=—There are no trees of commercial importance, accessible for felling for export, although Gambian mahogany (_Khaya senegalensis_) and Gambian rosewood (_Pterocarpus erinaceus_) occur in many parts of the country. In some remote districts the former tree is said to attain large dimensions (_Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. viii. (1910), p. 244).

=TRADE.=—The following extracts from the Colonial Reports show the diversion of destination of Gambian exports which has occurred in recent years. For this purpose groundnuts are regarded as representing the whole of the trade, of which they normally constitute about 90 per cent.

Percentages Of Exports From The Gambia

Destination 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917

Great Britain 6·30 9·00 6·72 9·92 39·45 53·56 79·56 and British Possessions

France and 84·80 76·00 59-10 79·34 48·60 36·58 20·35 French Possessions

Holland 3·20 9·00 6·03 — — 4·20 —

Germany — 3·64 24·56 6·80 — — —

Denmark — — — 1·99 7·68 5·63 —

Spain — — — ·35 4·24 — —

Other countries 5·70 2·36 3·59 1·60 0·03 0·03 0·09 ----------------------------------------- 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 -----------------------------------------

From the above it will be noted that Germany began to appear in the market in 1912, and, in 1913, had taken nearly one-quarter of the output. This is probably accounted for by the rapid growth of the vegetable oil industry in Germany and the attempt on the part of Hamburg crushers to capture the Gambia trade from Marseilles. It will be seen that a proportionate decrease occurred in exports to French ports coincident with the increased shipments to German ports. The European war put Germany out of the market, and in 1914 France took nearly her normal share. In 1915 and 1916, however, Great Britain felt the lack of imported vegetable oils to such an extent that factories for their extraction sprang up in the country; thus it is seen that in 1915 Great Britain took nearly 40 per cent. against France’s 48½ per cent., and in 1916, Great Britain, for the first time in the last fifty years, took a larger portion of the Gambian groundnut crop than France.

[Illustration: =GAMBIA & SIERRA LEONE=

_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]

=Sierra Leone=

=INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.= =Geographical Position.=—The Colony and Protectorate of Sierra Leone are bounded upon the north and west by French Guinea, and upon the east by Liberia. The Colony is confined to the hill country of the Sierra Leone Peninsula and Sherbro Island; the remainder being Protectorate.

=Area and Population.=—The area of the country according to the Blue Book of 1911 is 31,000 sq. miles. The greater part is undulating, well watered and fairly fertile, traversed by short ranges of mountains, mostly running north and south. The population of the Colony, by the census taken in 1911, was 75,572, and of the Protectorate 1,327,560.

=Administrative Divisions.=—The country is divided into seven administrative districts, two of which are in the Colony and five in the Protectorate. The latter have been formed primarily in accordance with tribal settlements, due to the expediency of recognising in each the native customary law; the exception to this is the Railway district, in which other considerations of greater importance are involved.

=Natural Features.=—Although the country is largely of a slightly undulating type, in the north a curious formation of hills exists, in the Koinadugu district; each hill bearing a curiously-formed pinnacle of rock on its summit, and presenting a most striking appearance. The valleys between these hills contain some of the richest soil found in the country. Farther north, above the 9th degree of latitude, the country is composed chiefly of grass land interspersed with stunted trees. Approaching the coast, secondary forest or scrub occurs, which is constantly being cleared for farms; being so used for a year or two and then allowed to revert to “bush” for long periods.

=Natives.=—The inhabitants of the Colony are chiefly the descendants of liberated slaves from North America and the West Indies, but a number were rescued by British war-vessels from slave ships, and represent races from all parts of West Africa. The language adopted by these people is a “pidgin English” of a peculiar kind, and is easily understood after a few of the curious idiomatic phrases have been learnt.

The most important tribes are the Mendis, Timanis, Limbas and Sherbros. These are followed in number by the Konnohs, Port Lokkos, Susus, Korankos, Bulloms, Krims, Yalunkas, Mandingoes, Gbemas, Foulahs, Gallinas or Veis and Gpakas. The Mendis are the largest tribe, and are entirely pagan; they cultivate in a wasteful manner and are otherwise improvident. The Timanis are more intelligent and careful, and the Veis, occupying the sea coast to the south, who have recently adopted cocoa planting, are not only considered the most intelligent, but, alone among West African natives, have a written language.

=Land Tenure.=—The land in the Colony is held by the Crown, and is granted on the authority of the Governor. All grants made contain reservations with regard to roads and other public requirements. The tenure of Crown lands is fee simple, but occupation is also sanctioned under squatters’ licence at a nominal rent, and the tenure is then in the nature of a tenancy at will. Under Ordinance No. 14 of 1886, real and personal property may be taken, acquired, held or disposed of by any alien in a manner similar to that allowed to a British-born subject.

Fields or waste lands outside town or village limits in the Sierra Leone Peninsula and Sherbro Island must be taken up in lots of not less than 20, or more than 200, acres. Such lots are disposed of at auction, at an upset price of 4_s_. 2_d_. per acre in the former, and 8_s_. in the latter locality. Up to 1902 the question of land grants in the Protectorate was unsettled, but arrangements may now be come to with the chiefs for the lease of tracts of land for long periods on an annual rental, agreed to between the applicant and the tribal council; the title requiring the confirmation of the Government. According to native law, it is generally recognised that the lands of a chiefdom are not the property of the chief, but are held in trust by him for the tribe. A chief has no power to alienate any portion of the land of a chiefdom, or to grant to any one perpetual rights to any portion, but the lease of land by an arrangement with the tribal council, and with the approval of Government, should be satisfactory for all requirements with regard to legal title.

=Labour.=—Plantations worked by chiefs at the instigation of Government are usually supplied with labour by the chief, although monetary assistance in the form of bonuses is occasionally given. Under such conditions experimental plantations of fibre, rubber, kola, etc., have been made. There is no fixed rate of pay for labourers, but the usual wage for an adult man, when hired, is from 6_d_. to 1_s_. per day.

=Cultivation.=—Throughout the country a shallow type of cultivation is common, and one in which the bush stumps and roots are not removed. The seeds of a number of different kinds of agricultural crops are generally mixed together before being sown broadcast over the lightly scraped soil of the burnt bush area.

The object of retaining the bush stumps and roots in the fields is that, after two or three years of cultivation, the bush may be easily reinstated, and again after ten or fifteen years, when cut down and burnt, it furnishes a supply of wood ash for the fertilisation of the field. This application of ash constitutes the only form of artificial renovation which the soil ever receives.

Recently experiments have been made in the presence of natives, in order to show the advantages of deep cultivation. To effect this, without the employment of ploughs, the fork kodalli hoe, recommended by the writer, has been introduced and generally adopted. The substantial increase in the production of their rice fields obtained by the use of this implement made a fortunate impression among the natives.

The native agricultural implements consist of a straight-handled, narrow-bladed hoe called “kari” (Mendi), or “katala” (Timani), and one formed from an angled stick with a charred point, called “baowe” (Mendi), or “kalal” (Timani). This last is used for drilling. In addition to these, a large broad-bladed hoe, called “karu wai” (Mendi), or “katala kabana” (Timani), is employed for cleaning out weeds and scraping the soil surface; the latter being the only cultivation the growing crop receives. These implements are illustrated below.

[Illustration: A. “KARI” (MENDI), “KATALA” (TIMANI).

B. “Kaku Wai” (Mendi), “Katala Kabana” (Timani),

C. “Baowe” (Mendi), “Kalal” (Timani).]

=Agricultural Schools, etc.= _Chiefs’ Sons’ College._—In 1906 a college for the sons of chiefs was established at Bo, and it was intended that, in addition to the ordinary course of instruction, the rudiments of improved agriculture should be taught. This was subsequently found to interfere with the teaching of other subjects which were considered more necessary, and was abandoned in consequence. The omission of agricultural training from the course did not preclude the scholars from cultivating small patches of vegetables for their own use, upon ground allowed to them for the purpose.

_Thomas Agricultural College._—In 1908 the erection of an Agricultural College was commenced at Mabang, under the terms of the will of Mr. Thomas, a native who bequeathed a large sum of money to be devoted to this purpose. The College was expected to be completed in June 1910, when a commencement of lectures and general instruction was to be made. Scholarships and some official control were provided for by the terms of the trust, but the project was never developed, and the buildings were not even completed.

=Principal Crops.=—The most important food crop is rice, but two varieties of maize are also cultivated for local consumption; one of these is quick maturing, and is probably identical with the white variety which is exported from Lagos, from which country it is said to have been introduced into Sierra Leone. The other kind is of slower growth, and bears a yellow grain. Yams, sweet potatoes, and cassava are grown, especially where there is a heavy rainfall.

=Forest Products.=—Besides the agricultural crops, the forests yield palm oil and kernels, and kola nuts are planted for the much appreciated seed which their pods contain. The latter nut is said to have a stimulating effect, and to allay hunger and thirst when chewed. The nut is in such great demand throughout Northern Africa that a large trade exists between Sierra Leone and the coast countries to the north.

The more important exported products are accorded the foremost positions in the following account.

=OIL PALM.= =Localities and the Influence of Position.=—_Elæis guineensis_ is found generally throughout the country from the sea-board towards the interior, diminishing in those districts where the climate becomes drier or where rocky and mountainous tracts intervene. In places, owing, doubtless, to the wasteful methods of treatment and the carelessness in burning the “bush” for farms, extensive areas without palms are occasionally met with, even where the soil and climatic conditions are not unfavourable to their growth. In the extreme north, where the rainfall diminishes, the tree is only found in the vicinity of streams. The most suitable situation for growth seems to be one in which the soil is generally rather moist, although swampy, ill-drained land is not favourable. In those parts of the country where a gravelly laterite appears as a surface soil over a deep substratum of syenite, trees may often be met with in considerable numbers, but it is observed that the trunks of such trees do not acquire the same thickness as those growing in a damper and lighter soil. It is probable, although no experiments have yet been made affording direct evidence for the conclusion, that the fertility and yield of fruits of the trees growing upon the flat lands are greater than those established upon the higher undulating country because they are subject to less wash and more natural irrigation. It is also quite possible that the variety of palm fruit produced in the former places will be found to furnish better commercial results. No distinct varieties are, however, recognised by the natives, although distinctive names are applied to the same fruit in different stages of development.

The oil palm does not appear to be able to thrive in heavy forest, and in a natural state occupies open valleys with low undergrowth, but upon the clearance of primary forest it soon becomes established.

The seeds or nuts, which are large and heavy, are distributed by the agency of frugivorous birds and mammals. The grey parrot, for example, may be observed extracting the ripe fruits from the heads or picking them from the ground where they have fallen, and, after conveying these to a convenient tree, carefully removing the oily pericarp before dropping the nut in a new position. Monkeys doubtless convey the fruits to even greater distances in their cheek-pouches.

Owing to the presence of rocky and swampy strips of country in the Protectorate, and the direction in which farm fires have been carried by the prevailing winds, the distribution of palms has been thought to assume the character of “belts,” defined by fairly well-marked boundaries. When looked into more closely, however, the distribution appears to be better described as consisting of dense patches linked sometimes by almost unrecognisable chains of widely scattered trees, and often broken into by short ranges of hills which are completely destitute of palms.

The patches referred to may bear 500 palm trees to the acre, and these may represent 80 to 100 per cent. of the total tree-growth on the patch. The area of such a patch may be roughly estimated at from ¼ acre to 15 sq. miles, or even more, but it should be added that, where such extensive tracts as these occur, the difficulties of transport and the scarcity of the population have constituted obstacles to working, and to the means of preserving the trees. Oil palms near Mafokoyia are shown in the picture (Fig. 10).

[Illustration: OIL PALMS (_ELÆIS GUINEENSIS_), MAFOKOYIA.

Fig. 10, p. 21.]

[Illustration: NATIVE COLLECTING OIL PALM FRUIT, BLAMA.

Fig 11, p. 22.]

[Illustration: KOLA TREE AT MANO.

Fig. 12, p. 29.]

The appearance of a young tree is that of a thick stem throwing out annulate series of long feathery leaf fronds, upon petioles, which bear roughly-formed spines. As the tree increases in height the lower petioles are shed, and the trunk assumes a narrower but more regular form; indistinct rings being traceable, formed by the bases of the fallen leaf stems. A mature tree will measure about one foot in diameter at four feet from the ground, and at the ground surface the diameter will be two and a half to nearly three times as much. The male flowers are collected in the form of a number of tassel-like pendants, springing from a common stalk, and one such bunch is usually found above and upon each side of the female inflorescence. Both sexes of flowers usually occur upon the trees, but the natives recognise the existence of a non-fruiting tree, and one which only produces male flowers. The number of fruit heads and the weight of these vary according to the position, age, and treatment of the tree. An idea may be given of the fruitfulness of trees, from the accounts obtained from natives in different parts of the country. The palm has two fruiting seasons, one during the dry weather and another during the rainy season, the latter being generally the lighter crop. It is estimated that a tree in full bearing will yield from twelve to twenty fruiting heads in one year, each of a fairly large size. A younger tree may only produce four to eight heads, but usually of a larger size; and a tree of only five or six years old may give about the same number of heads, but of smaller dimensions. From very old trees small heads with fruits of a diminished size are obtained. The weight of a moderately large head will be about thirty pounds, and will contain about twelve hundred fruits weighing roughly 23 lbs. An illustration showing two fruiting heads is given (Fig. 9).

The ripe fruiting heads are gathered by a man using a climbing sling, with which he encircles the tree and his waist, and by means of a skilful manipulation of the part in contact with the trunk and remote from the body, he proceeds to ascend the tree rapidly, almost as though walking up it. On reaching the crown, a number of dead leaves have to be removed in order to get at the fruit stem. These are cut by means of a “cutlass” or “machete,” which the climber carries, and are thrown to the ground. Only one head ripens at a time upon each tree, and the time occupied in climbing and cutting out the fruit head is estimated at about eight minutes. A photograph showing a native climbing a palm tree is reproduced (Fig. 11).

Both the Mendi and Timani races distinguish the fruit, at different periods during the advance towards maturity, by special names given with regard to the appearance. Identifications of the same series of fruits by different individuals have shown that these names are widely used.

Although it will be seen that in the Gold Coast and Nigeria the natives recognise a number of different varieties of fruit, this does not appear to be the case in Sierra Leone. The thin-shelled forms, so well known to the natives of the former countries, appear unknown, except around Sherbro, where there are a few trees recognised as productive of this type of fruit. In the appearance of the mature fruit, the presence or absence of black at the apex seems to be of equally common occurrence, but no importance is attached to this feature.

The Sierra Leone form appears to be at a disadvantage with regard to the proportion of oily pericarp covering the nut, as well as in the great thickness of its shell. Comparing it with the varieties obtained in the Gold Coast, it is probably nearest to, if not identical with, that called “Abe pa.”

When the percentage of oil extracted from the fruit of the Sierra Leone trees is compared with that from other parts of West Africa, it at once becomes apparent that the amount is small. The results of three series of experiments, made in different parts of the country, showed that the fibrous pericarp, which contains the oil, constituted only about 30 per cent. of the whole, the nut containing the kernel being large and approximating 70 per cent. Palm oil extracted by native methods gave 1·201, 5·47, 5·637, and 8·326 per cent. respectively in four tests. If these results are compared with the extractions of oil from the several Gold Coast varieties, the deficiency is very marked. Compare _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. vii. (1909), pp. 364-71.

A close examination of the local fruit shows that the outer fibrous portion or pericarp, which alone contains the palm oil, is very thin, whereas the hard shell surrounding the kernel is thick. The kernel represents about 15 per cent. of the total weight of the fruit, and is largely exported from the country for the extraction of another kind of oil.

=Small Export of Oil compared with Kernels.=—The proportionately larger weight of kernel than of palm oil capable of extraction, accounts for the large quantities of kernels exported compared with palm oil. As an example of this, it may be mentioned that in the year 1906 Sierra Leone exported only 12½ gallons of palm oil to each ton of kernels, whereas Southern Nigeria figures for the same year showed 142 gallons of oil per ton of kernels. Since this date, up to the beginning of the war, a comparison of the annual exports of oil and kernels shows a fluctuation between about 12 and 19 gallons of pericarp oil for every ton of kernels; the latter still remaining disproportionately high.

=Proposal to introduce New Varieties.=—Since it has begun to be realised that the local variety of palm is probably constantly inferior as an oil producer to some of the varieties found farther to the south, it has been suggested that some of the forms, with a thicker fibrous pericarp and a thin-shelled kernel, should be introduced and planted upon an extensive scale. It is assumed that by doing so, a better type would become established. Experiments made in the Kamerun show, however, that the progeny of palms having a thin-shelled fruit (Lisombe) do not necessarily retain their important characters. Dr. Strunk has suggested that, in the variety mentioned, the characters are not fixed or susceptible of transmission, but the experiments are not considered as yielding conclusive evidence, and it is advisable that experimental plots should be planted with the more useful forms in Sierra Leone and elsewhere, the seed being obtained from artificially fertilised sources.

=Improvements in the Local Manufacture.=—During recent years great efforts have been made by the Administration to increase the exports of both palm oil and kernels by opening up the previously rather inaccessible areas in which palm trees were found growing almost untouched. The first step in this direction was the extension of the Sierra Leone Railway line from Boia, a small village just beyond the Headquarters District boundary, to Mafokoyia, lying a short distance to the north. From here a road was made eastwards towards Yonnibannah, passing through country fairly well studded with oil palms. Later from Yonnibannah the objective of the railway became Baga, a town on the Maybole river, again to the north. At the present time this line has reached Kamabai, at the foot of the Koinadugu mountains and to the west of Bumban, passing the town of Makump on its way there. The whole of this route has been chosen in order to make the oil palm regions more accessible, and the increase in exports of both oil and kernels between 1907 and 1913 is almost entirely attributable to this development.

Not only was it desirable to open up new areas from which palm fruits could be gathered, but, owing to the deficiency of pericarp oil shipped from the country in comparison with palm kernels, it was thought that, by the introduction of improved methods for extracting the pericarp oil, more of this commodity might be obtainable in the future.

The prospect of working a large area both experimentally and commercially for oil extraction _in situ_, attracted Messrs. Lever Brothers, who installed ample mechanical apparatus at Yonnibannah in 1914. The Government had granted this firm a concession to work several hundred square miles on the understanding that the local traders and merchants were not thereby to be debarred from buying the hand-prepared oil from the natives as before. The scheme was intended to demonstrate the advantages of mechanical means of extraction over those of hand power; and it was thought that, by the introduction of these greater facilities for dealing with the oil palm products, labour would be liberated and would be employed to a greater extent in the less heavy and more remunerative direction of plantation and field work. Messrs. Lever Brothers’ factory was one designed to be equipped both from a mechanical and research standpoint, and a special shunting yard on the railway was leased to the firm by the Government to deal with the anticipated work. The project seemed so promising that local firms were contemplating following Messrs. Lever Brothers’ example in other localities. The whole scheme was, however, abandoned after a short trial; Messrs. Lever Brothers having probably discovered two facts in connection with the oil palm industry in Sierra Leone which had been lost sight of. The first is that the pericarp of the common type of palm fruit found in Sierra Leone, as pointed out in the first edition of this book, is very thin and therefore contains very little oil, and that the shell of the nuts in this thin-pericarped fruit is extremely thick. The common Sierra Leone kind is therefore of less economic value both in respect to pericarp oil and kernel contents than the common kind found in the Gold Coast, Nigeria and Kamerun. The second point is that the Mendis and Timanis occupying this part of the Protectorate are a lower type and generally poorer workers by comparison with the Fanti tribes of the Gold Coast or the Yorubas of Nigeria.

One explanation given for the failure of Messrs. Lever Brothers’ effort in Sierra Leone was that they did not offer a sufficiently high price for the oil palm fruit heads to induce the natives to collect and carry them to the factory. As the chiefs and villagers saw that by selling the fruits to the factory the main occupation of their wives (the preparation of palm oil and the cracking of nuts for the extraction of palm kernels) would be taken away, they were said to be averse to the establishment of a new condition of enforced idleness, which would impose greater difficulties on them of keeping their wives in order. The offer by the factory to return the nuts for cracking in the villages, did not dispose of this difficulty, as the villagers only saw in it an arrangement involving them in extra transport. Messrs. Lever Brothers have now transferred their work to the Belgian Congo, where, by reason of the better type of palm fruit commonly obtainable, the conditions are more satisfactory for the development of the mechanical extraction of palm oil on a commercial scale, and where the inhabitants are less independent and more accustomed to co-operate with European enterprise.

=Export Figures.=—The average annual export of palm oil and kernels for the first nine years of the century, and the annual total of the subsequent ten years are given:

Palm oil Palm kernels Year Gallons Tons 1900-1908 Av. 303,790 26,630 1909 851,998 42,897 1910 645,339 43,031 1911 725,648 42,892 1912 728,509 50,751 1913 617,088 49,201 1914 436,144 35,915 1915 481,576 39,624 1916 557,751 45,316 1917 543,111 58,020 1918 260,442 40,816

=RUBBER.=—Until 1907 the African tree rubber (_Funtumia elastica_) had not been recorded from any part of the country, although its congener, _F. africana_, was found everywhere. A number of trees of the first-named species have been recently discovered in the Panguma and Gola forests, and have been carefully examined. The latex, from trees tapped in the former locality, yielded a good quality of rubber when boiled with three volumes of water.

=Native Method of Preparation.=—The tree is known to the Mendis as “Gboi-gboi,” and in order to obtain the latex it is customary to fell the tree, afterwards ringing it at intervals of about one foot. The latex, which flows, is collected in leaf cups or other receptacles, and is heated in an iron pot. When in a state of semi-coagulation, induced by heat, it is poured upon plantain leaves, placed on the ground. Another plantain leaf is then used to cover the mass, which is stamped out with the feet into a rough sheet. The sheet is hung up to dry in a hut, in which it obtains the benefit of the fumes from the wood fires used by the occupants. The next process is to cut the sheet into strips, which are subsequently wound into large oval balls and enter the Freetown market under the name of “Manoh twist.”

Owing to the wasteful method of tapping the trees, the species has been exterminated in many places, and the local Government have had under consideration the formulation of an ordinance to prevent the continuance of such destruction. As the existing trees are now practically only found in the dense forests near the Liberian frontier, and are probably widely scattered over a large area, it will prove a difficult matter to enforce any regulations with regard to collection.

=Vine Rubber: Method of Preparation.=—_Landolphia owariensis_, var. _Jenje_, is said to be the species of vine from which the Sierra Leone “Red Nigger” rubber is obtained. The Mendi name for the plant is “Djenje.” A very destructive method is usually employed in the preparation of the rubber. The vine is cut down and the roots dug out, both of which are cut into small pieces and soaked in water for several weeks. The bark is then removed, and the wood is pounded and washed repeatedly until a reddish mass of rubber remains, which usually contains a large amount of woody matter. This is sold in the form of balls. It is less common for the native to tap the vine and to coagulate the latex upon the wound with the addition of salt or lime juice, but this is occasionally done, and balls of scrap rubber collected in this way are sold in some localities.

Another vine (_Clitandra laxiflora_), which yields an inferior rubber by means of boiling the latex, is termed “Jawe” by the Mendis. This was at first considered to be _Clitandra Manni_, but more recent investigation has proved that _C. Manni_, although called by the same native name, produces a latex incapable of coagulation.

=The Quality of Indigenous Rubbers and the Export.=—The prices obtained for Sierra Leone rubbers compare favourably with those of the other British West African countries. Funtumia rubber, which is generally largely adulterated in the Gold Coast and Nigeria, is apparently not so in Sierra Leone, when prepared in the form of “Manoh twist.” The vine rubber, made from the scrap, is also of good quality, and the root rubber is not inferior to that shipped from the other countries. The trade of Sierra Leone is, however, small, and it is probable that the larger part of that exported from Freetown is obtained from the adjoining countries of Liberia and French Guinea. The export of rubber declined since 1906, when it amounted to 107 tons, to only 6 tons in 1913, while in 1916 and 1917 none was exported. The composition and quality of Sierra Leone rubbers is given in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. iv. (1906), p. 29; vol. vi. (1908), p. 24; vol. viii. (1910), p. 16; and vol. xii. (1914), p. 371.

=Rubber Plantations.=—No plantations of Funtumia rubber have been made although small plots have been planted with the South American Para tree (_Hevea brasiliensis_) on an experimental scale at different times and in various parts of the country and a mixed plantation of rubber, cocoa, coffee and fruit has been made near Waterloo. Up to 1909, it should be remarked, the work was in the hands of the Agricultural Service, but from 1910, on the formation of the Forestry Department as well as the reorganisation of an Agricultural Department, all forest and plantation work was transferred to the first-named Department. No plantation rubber has yet reached the commercial stage, although further trials are still in progress, and much experience has been gained.

A few Para trees were planted at the beginning of the present century in the Botanic Gardens at Freetown, but the locality was found unsuitable, and the trees grew slowly and yielded unsatisfactorily. A small plantation was made at Moyamba by Madam Yoko, the late chief of the Mendis, and was well looked after until she died, since when it seems to have been somewhat neglected. At Mano, the chief of the town made a good plantation in 1906, and, as the locality was apparently well selected, the trees have shown satisfactory growth. Small plots have been put out under Para at the Roman Catholic Mission station at Serabu, at Segbwema, Tinainahun and the Bo school, with variable success, in accordance with the cultivation and care bestowed on the plants. Except in the gravelly positions the tree succeeds well.

_Landolphia owariensis_ and _L. Heudelotii_ have been planted in forested patches in different parts of the country, the supervision of such planting having been entrusted to a native who had seen similar work performed by the French authorities in the neighbouring colony. Near Batkanu, a few plants can still be seen.

=KOLA NUTS.=—The importance of the kola nut in West Africa is very high. Sierra Leone produces generally a better quality, for local consumption and export, than other countries. The kola trees (_Kola acuminata_ and _K. vera_) do not, however, occur in a wild state in the country, and the whole produce is obtained from plantations, which are to be seen near almost every village in the moist region. A photograph is given showing a kola tree at Mano (Fig. 12). The destination of the exported kola is chiefly Bathurst (Gambia), Dakar (Senegal), Bissao (Portuguese Guinea), and to a small extent Dahomey. The exports of this commodity in recent years are given below as well as their average annual values per ton, which, as will be seen, exhibit great fluctuation.

Tons Valued at Equal to £ per ton 1906 1,155 £104,084 £90 1907 1,374 £113,674 £83 1908 1,162 £108,895 £94 1909 1,320 £153,848 £116 1910 1,508 £191,878 £127 1911 1,597 £194,260 £121 1912 1,649 £276,473 £167 1913 1,865 £328,003 £176 1914 1,924 £279,185 £145 1915 2,041 £233,388 £119 1916 2,484 £302,720 £122 1917 1,702 £321,105 £188 1918 2,302 £397,726 £173

Kola nuts are second only to palm kernels in Sierra Leone in importance as an export, although they are practically entirely consigned to other coast ports; an insignificant amount of dried kolas only being destined for Europe.

=RED PEPPER.=—_Capsicum annuum_ and _C. frutescens_ are both grown among the multitude of plants, the seeds of which are mixed and broadcasted in the farms; but whereas most of the other plants are annuals, these are left in the ground for two years or more, and yield almost continuous crops during that period. The country of origin of these plants is probably South America, but the date of their introduction is unknown.

Beside the extensive local use of the pods, the export statistics of 1909 show that 41 tons were shipped.

=GINGER.=—_Zingiber officinale_ is not found in a wild state in Africa, but has been widely introduced throughout the tropical portions, although in Sierra Leone, alone among the West African countries, has it reached the important position of an export.

Owing to the defective methods of agriculture employed in the Colony, where for the most part ginger is cultivated, the roots or rhizomes do not attain a large size, and, in consequence, present great difficulties in decortication.

The common native method of preparation is to rub the washed and partially dried rhizomes in sand, and then to dry them more or less completely in the sun. The effect of this treatment is to remove a small portion of the outer skin from those prominences which come into contact with the sandy surface more readily, the depressions being left untouched. The native has found that the weight of the prepared ginger is increased by the adhesion of sand, and therefore prefers to employ this method to that of using a knife. The result is a very inferior product.

During the last few years attempts have been made among the ginger growers to deal directly with the European buyers, and a Farmers’ Association was formed with this object in view. Government assistance was obtained on the assurance that better methods of cultivation and preparation would be adopted, and this was done to a certain extent, but greater dependence seems to have been placed upon the supposed advantage to be obtained from shipping ginger of the usual inferior quality, without it passing through the local merchants’ hands. The result was, that a small quantity of selected ginger was sold at a good price, and a large quantity of common grade obtained a lower price than previously.

Recent experiments have shown that good results can be obtained with ginger in Sierra Leone if care be taken to deep-hoe the ground and then plant out the selected eyes from clean rhizomes. The custom of attempting to grow a crop in hard laterite gravel without proper cultivation is the chief cause of the malformed and small rhizomes usually obtained in native cultivation. Under improved conditions a crop of five tons per acre of good quality ginger has been procured.

=Export Trade.=—The following amounts of ginger have been shipped during the last decade:

Tons Value Tons Value 1906 579 10,879 1913 2,048 35,468 1907 618 11,578 1914 1,213 15,639 1908 637 11,871 1915 567 8,091 1909 722 14,147 1916 971 25,814 1910 1,093 33,288 1917 1,136 25,863 1911 1,692 44,668 1918 1,576 39,306 1912 2,200 44,864

It is reported that, owing to the decline in price paid for Sierra Leone ginger in 1913, about one-third of the crop was left unharvested, and that the depreciation experienced was due to the competition from other sources of a better marketed product. It would be a pity if the promising opportunity of the country to become established as a large producer of ginger were altogether lost, owing to the want of a little care in cultivation and preparation of the product for the market.

The plant is essentially suited to certain parts of the Colony and Protectorate and is not subject to any serious diseases, the only recorded one being a fungus which attacks the rhizomes and causes yellowing of the leaves. This can be prevented from spreading if the plants be removed and burned as soon as the signs of attack are apparent on them.

=FIBRES.= =Jute Class.=—In the last few years several fibre plants indigenous to the country have been experimented with at the Imperial Institute, in order to ascertain whether any were capable of being exported for use as substitutes for Indian jute.

_Honckenya ficifolia_, known by the Timani name of “Napunti,” a plant which occurs in great profusion in the swamps and low lands, yields a fibre of excellent quality, but owing to the difficulties experienced in the extraction of it, further experiments are necessary to devise a means by which it can be economically prepared. The analyses of the fibre from this plant which have been made at the Imperial Institute (see _Selected Reports from the Imperial Institute_, Part I. [Cd. 4588], Fibres, p. 40) are very satisfactory, and this, combined with the fact that the natural supply of the plant is very large in districts which are quite useless for agricultural purposes, renders it important that the methods of extraction should be more carefully studied.

Among the other fibres of this class which have shown promise, _Hibiscus quinquelobus_, to which the Mendis give the name of “Korwey,” is found in a wild state in variable profusion throughout the country. Unlike the last, which produces erect stems growing close together, this plant has stems of an almost scandent character, growing under the shade of moderately large trees and perforating the upper branches, so that the flowering stems are often seen fifteen feet or more above the ground. Under cultivation the experiments seemed to show that the elongated character of the stems was not maintained, and this defect requires to be remedied if the fibre is to be prepared upon a commercial scale. The extraction is easily done by retting, and experimental shipments to Europe of several tons have shown that the product is quite marketable and is classed with, or a little below, medium jutes (_ibid._ p. 39).

Recently experiments were carried out in the extraction of fibre from _Hibiscus esculentus_, the “okra” of tropical countries. A specimen of the fibre having been examined at the Imperial Institute and favourably reported upon (_ibid._ p. 35), a plantation was made at Kangahun, in order to endeavour to produce a crop, which should have the additional advantage of yielding a marketable supply of the vegetable okra pods before being cut down and made into fibre. In order to do this, the seed was sown at close intervals, thereby introducing a straight growth of stem, and care was exercised not to permit the fruiting to continue long enough for the stems to become coarse. The fibre was extracted in the same manner as that of jute, except that the stems were immersed in a solution of caustic soda before retting to remove the thin outer bark. The marketed fibre from the first of these experiments realised an unsatisfactory price, but it was estimated that the crop of pods yielded £3 per acre.

_Corchorus capsularis_, one of the Indian jutes, was introduced and planted out in 1906, but the existing native methods of cultivation and the absence of manure rendered the conditions so different from those obtained in India, that a successful result was not brought about. Two species of Corchorus are found in the country, and are used only as vegetables.

=Ramie Fibre.=—Plantations of Ramie fibre or China grass were recently made in various parts of the Protectorate, but although the plant grows well during the rainy season, the long period of dry weather is detrimental to it.

=Piassava.=—This fibre is produced from the sheath of the leaf stem of _Raphia vinifera_, the wine palm, and is prepared at several places, especially in the swampy districts near the coast. The method of extraction is merely that of steeping and beating out, and the resulting fibre is, in appearance, somewhat similar to fine whalebone. The largest amount was exported in 1915, when the figure reached 1,283 tons. The price in this year attained £61 per ton. The fibre is chiefly employed for the manufacture of stiff brooms.

=COTTON.=—The native cotton of Sierra Leone showed promise, at one time, of great development, but insurmountable difficulties met the efforts of the British Cotton Growing Association in their attempt to establish cotton growing for export upon a large scale.

The native mode of growing cotton is in combination with a number of other agricultural crops, the seeds of all being mixed before being broadcasted in a field, which has been lightly tilled. Cotton sown in this manner is permitted to yield crops for two seasons, but the second crop is generally much inferior. Owing to this irregular manner of planting, the amount of cotton available for use is small, and is nearly all absorbed for the supply of the native looms; being readily saleable in the weaving districts at about 2_d_. per lb. of seed cotton, or about twice as much as the British Cotton Growing Association were prepared to pay.

The inefficiency of the quality of the local cultivation, and the disinclination on the part of the native to adopt better methods, effectually prevented more cotton being grown, and the British Cotton Growing Association were unable to obtain sufficient material to keep their ginnery employed.

In connection with the cotton ginnery, erected at Moyamba, a large plantation was made; the indigenous as well as many exotic varieties of the plant being put in. The site, however, proved unsuitable, labour was found to be expensive, and the climatic conditions were complained of. In consequence of these adverse conditions, the Association were reluctantly obliged to abandon the work. The export of cotton was never significant and ceased altogether in 1909.

=Indigenous Varieties.=—Three well-marked types of cotton are found throughout the country, and are known by the native (Mendi) names of (1) Kwonde, (2) Fande Wa, (3) Dhoole. The first of these has a white lint and a seed covered with white wool. An examination of this at the Imperial Institute showed that the lint from it was the most valuable of the three; the staple measured about 1″, and was compared with very good quality “Indian Broach.” Two samples, valued in 1907, were priced at 5⅜_d_. and 5¾_d_. respectively, with good Broach at 5⅜_d_., and Middling American at 6·18_d_. The Fande Wa variety has a creamy lint and a green woolly seed. It was said to be of good quality, but the colour was not so good as the last, and the value was consequently lower. Dhoole is rather rarer than the other two, and has a brick-red or brown lint and a bare seed. Khaki or red cottons are not in demand upon an European market, but locally they are somewhat sought after.

=Native Weaving.=—A native cloth woven from the three different varieties of indigenous cottons is frequently seen; the careful arrangement of the naturally coloured yarns yielding a distinct pattern. More often, perhaps, only the first two kinds are used, and the yarn made from them is dyed with the local indigo. In width the native cloths are usually narrow, and the strips are sewn together in order to form gowns, etc. A photograph is given showing a native weaver at work at Pendembu (Fig. 13). In a few localities wider cloths are woven, but of no great length. These are often elaborately designed, and command a high price among the natives, being preferred to imported materials.

=Exotic Cottons.=—“Cambodia” and “Sea Island” have been tried experimentally. The latter, though withstanding the heavy rainfall well, was found to be very susceptible to attacks of the local cotton stainer. There is still no prospect of the revival of cotton exportation.

[Illustration: NATIVE WEAVER AT PENDEMBU.

Fig. 13, p. 34.]

[Illustration: KUMASSI, THE CAPITAL OF ASHANTI.

Fig. 14, p. 43.]

[Illustration: STONE VAT FOR POUNDING PALM FRUITS, WITH SURROUNDING GUTTER AND OIL WELL, KROBO PLANTATIONS.

Fig. 15, p. 68]

=RICE.=—Two forms of rice are grown in the Protectorate; one under irrigation or in swampy ground, near rivers, etc., and the other entirely without any conservance of water, depending on the rainfall.

The use of rice is general throughout the country—in fact, it is probably the most important food crop; and although, as mentioned above, there are two forms, divided according to their mode of cultivation, each form contains many varieties distinguished by different native names.

In the Timani country and the vicinity of Port Lokko the finest quality is grown, and the husking of this is said to be a prolonged process of drying, without previously parboiling or soaking. This rice only requires to be thoroughly dried before the husk will separate on pounding.

In the Mendi country, the heads of rice at the harvesting are cut and tied in small bunches to dry in the fields. The grain is then beaten out, and the chaff winnowed on a tray or in a gentle breeze. The next step is to parboil the grain while yet in the husk, during which operation the interior swells up so as to split the husk. The rice is then again thoroughly dried in the sun upon mats, and finally lightly pounded in a wooden mortar in order to separate the loosened husk, which is removed by winnowing. From the time of harvesting until the rice is ready for sale, the work is performed by women.

In spite of the fact that a very large quantity of rice is grown, it frequently happens that in a good season much remains unharvested, owing to the improvidence of the native. The price just after harvesting may fall as low as 1_s_. 6_d_. per bushel, but a few months later it may reach three times that amount. It is customary for the Protectorate native to realise at once upon his crop, without taking the precaution to lay in a store for his future requirements. In consequence of this he is compelled to buy back supplies for his own consumption at a very much enhanced rate. The native at the Coast takes advantage of this improvidence and profits considerably by it; buying up the cheap product at harvesting and realising a handsome profit after a few months.

In quality the local rice is excellent, but in appearance it is somewhat reddish, only a few of the finer qualities being nearly white. The imported rices are usually white, but are said to contain less nutriment than the local kinds.

Rice has always constituted the staple food of the aboriginal tribes of the Protectorate, for which reason its cultivation and the weather conditions necessary for its successful production locally are matters of great importance. No precaution is taken to plant any other crop as a stand-by in the event of an unfavourable rice season. In 1910 a disaster actually occurred, for the rainy season of 1909 set in so early that it prevented many farms being burned in time to sow rice. Most of the local varieties mature their grain from three to five months after sowing, the earlier producing approximately 15, and the later from 30 to 40 bushels, per acre. Owing to the failure of the rice crop in 1910, the commodity should not have been allowed to be exported in that year, but the importance of this was lost sight of in view of the remunerative trade in it which had become established with different coast ports to which it was shipped. In the previous edition of this volume a recommendation was made to foster the export of surplus Sierra Leone rice to the Gold Coast, where it was much appreciated, and doubtless this trade may yet become important when existing restrictions are removed, and if it is found possible to induce a larger number of the population in the Protectorate to engage in pure agriculture, and grow crops in excess of their immediate personal requirements.

The exports for the last nine years were as follows:

Bushels Value £ 1910 35,114 5,925 1911 22,621 4,716 1912 30,715 5,712 1913 21,548 3,991 1914 18,705 4,855 1915 19,600 7,228 1916 3,192 1,364 1917 1,022 697 1918 176 93

In 1915, owing to the falling off of imports, it was found necessary to exercise control over the exports, but in spite of this the amount exported was higher than in the previous year. In 1916 the urgency of the matter became even more pronounced and exports were restricted.

The Agricultural Department conducted several comparative trials with Indian and local varieties of rice. The Indian rices were much smaller in size of grain and were generally not considered so suitable as the local kinds, with respect to which it was found that, with a sufficiency of seed used in sowing and deep cultivation, excellent crops could be secured. The native method of using less than half a bushel of seed to sow an acre is accountable for much of the resultant crop becoming full of weeds. Excellent results were obtained in sowing 1½ to 3 bushels per acre, when the weeds were choked out.

=CAMWOOD.=—This material, from which red dye is got, is obtained from the leguminous tree _Baphia nitida_. The use of it in European countries has somewhat diminished during recent years, owing to the substitution for it of artificial red colouring-matter, but a small quantity is still exported, and is made use of for colouring sausage skins. The amount of camwood exported in 1915 is given as 635 tons, valued at £8,761.

=COPAL.=—The tree identified as _Copaifera Guibourtiana_ is tapped, in the Mendi country especially, for copal. The method in general practice is to cut small square patches of bark from the main trunk and branches in the month of January, and to permit these to exude resin until April, at which time the flow has ceased, and the resin hardened sufficiently to be collected.

The tree has been recorded from a few localities in Sierra Leone, but recently plantations have been made near Moyamba and elsewhere. In the Kwalu district, where clusters of large trees occur, much damage has been done by overtapping, and many dead trees are to be seen.

The value of Sierra Leone copal is high, sometimes attaining over two shillings a pound in the European markets. The quality is, however, somewhat irregular, and the local grading is frequently inefficient. Information as to the quality and value of Sierra Leone copal in comparison with other varieties is given in _Selected Reports from the Imperial Institute_, Part II., Gums and Resins [Cd. 4971], pp. 170-82.

About thirty tons were annually shipped to Europe for making varnish, but owing to the destructive methods of collection, the Government has prohibited trade for five years.

=GROUNDNUTS.=—Practically no trade at present exists in this crop, but efforts are being made to reintroduce the cultivation into Bullom, where at one time a large quantity was grown for export.

The cultivation of groundnuts for local consumption is carried on, but the ridge system of planting, which is in vogue in the Gambia, is not adopted in Sierra Leone, and the groundnut stalks are removed from the ground without the nuts attached to them. The nuts in Sierra Leone are permitted to remain in the ground and depreciate in quality through insufficient drying. The success of groundnut cultivation depends largely upon the plant being grown on a loose bed of friable soil, and, where such conditions exist, the Gambian method should prove satisfactory.

Experiments show that the nuts should be decorticated before sowing. The usual local method of sowing is to scatter the nuts upon the unbroken ground and then cover with loose earth. Some damage is done by rats, bushpig and termites, and in 1914 a fungoid disease (_Cercospora personata_) appeared in Karene. The Agricultural Department has obtained 12 cwts. to the acre in its trials.

The variety of nut grown is apparently identical with that of the Gambia, from which country the seed has probably been obtained in the past.

=COCOA.=—Some years ago cocoa was introduced into the Colony, but, although some of the Colonial planters had received their training in the cocoa estates of Fernando Po and San Thomé, no success attended their efforts in Sierra Leone. The heavy rainfall, combined with the long period of drought peculiar to the country, is detrimental to the industry. More recently experiments have been conducted in the Protectorate, where a lighter rainfall occurs; but here also the conditions are not generally favourable, as the long period of dry weather is not compensated for by humidity in the atmosphere.

=Importance of Correct Climatic Conditions.=—Cocoa plantations, in order to be successful, require atmospheric moisture fairly constantly throughout the year, and will not thrive if exposed to excessive and prolonged drought, or too much rain. Meteorological records taken at Bo, a place not far distant from that where cocoa experiments were made, show that the conditions in respect to distribution of rainfall, humidity and temperature are unfavourable there. Many attempts have been made in other localities, but only in Northern Sherbro has there been any appreciable success. The soil in this locality is deep and is kept in good tilth by the Gallinas. The price obtained locally for their cocoa beans was, in 1913, from 3_d_. to 4_d_. per lb.; in 1914 there was an increase in the number of plants put out, as the price rose in that year to 6_d_. per lb. A sample of native cocoa was submitted to the Imperial Institute for examination and report in 1916, and was found to be incompletely fermented with a rather harsh flavour. The trade valuation, however, was equal to the standard price ruling for Accra beans at the same time (cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1916, p. 589). Although the outlook for Northern Sherbro is promising, cocoa cannot attain much success in the country generally, on account of unsuitable climatic conditions and general ineptitude of most of the native tribes.

=COFFEE.=—A few years ago coffee was grown in the Colony for export, the indigenous variety, _Coffea stenophylla_ as well as _C. Liberica_ being planted. The former bears a very small berry and yields an excellent, strong-flavoured beverage. The latter is better known and has a large berry. Throughout the hill villages of the Colony a great number of trees are seen, but, owing to a fall in the price of the product, most of the crop remains unpicked, although it should not prove unremunerative even at the present prices to continue the export.

=INDIGO.=—Species of Indigofera and a scandent shrub, _Lonchocarpus cyanescens_, or “Gara” (Mendi), are used for the extraction of the blue dyes commonly employed in the country. The leaves of the latter plant are said to be in such demand that a quantity is annually imported from Southern Nigeria. A description of the method of dyeing with “Gara,” and an explanation of the process, are given in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. v. (1907), p. 129.

=FRUIT.=—Some parts of the Colony seem favourable for the cultivation of various tropical fruits, such as bananas, oranges, mangoes, and pineapples, and it is possible that the proximity of Sierra Leone to European ports might enable some of these to be grown for export.

=BEESWAX.=—A small amount of beeswax is collected in the Protectorate, and instruction has been given to the natives in some localities with a view to the improvement of the methods employed by them. The Government has arranged for the instruction of some of the local officials while on leave in England in practical bee-keeping.

The bee found in Sierra Leone is identical with the variety of _Apis mellifera_ found throughout West Africa, and is named var. _Adansonii_. It is rather small, but produces an excellent honey, which is much appreciated.

=OIL SEEDS.=—A tall tree bearing a large flattened legume, known to the Mendi people as “Fai,” or “Fawe,” has been sent for examination to the Imperial Institute on account of the oil contained in the seed. This tree was identified as _Pentaclethra macrophylla_, and, although common throughout the forested zone, is not seen in profusion anywhere. The oil has been tested, and is said to be capable of utilisation for the manufacture of soap and candles, but not for alimentary purposes. The difficulties in connection with the collection of the seed in large quantities and the extraction of the kernel from the outer horny shell, hinder the creation of a remunerative export trade.

Another vegetable oil is that obtained from the fruit of _Pentadesma butyracea_, a tree found in some parts of Bullom and in the Port Lokko district. The fat extracted from the ripe fruit is occasionally brought for sale to Freetown, where it is known as Mandingo butter. It does not occur in sufficient quantities to be commercially useful, although it yields an edible oil.

_Lophira alata_, which is widely distributed throughout the grass country in the north, and is replaced by a nearly allied species, _L. procera_, in the forest zone, bears a seed which contains a large percentage of oil, which can be used for soap manufacture. The difficulty of decorticating the seeds and their preservation during transport are disadvantages in the establishment of an export trade.

Analyses of the fats or oils yielded by these and other West African oil seeds, and information as to their quality, possible uses and value will be found in _Selected Reports from the Imperial Institute_, Pt. V., Oil Seeds (cf. also _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1912, 1913, 1915, 1917, 1918).

=Progress in Agriculture.=—In 1910 the Agricultural Department was reorganised on a better basis than formerly, and the purely forestry work, which had been previously carried on by the Agricultural Superintendent, in addition to his other duties, was then transferred to a Forestry Department formed in that year.

Briefly, the scheme of work laid down by the new Department of Agriculture may be said to be on the following chief lines:

(i) The introduction of a cheap and effective organic manure, and the demonstration of its value in such a manner as to induce the people to use it on their land, and thereby to employ more economical means for the production of food, etc.

(ii) The institution of a proper rotation of crops suitable for each district or locality.

(iii) The demonstration to natives of the fact, that, by the proper employment of manuring and crop rotation, they would be able to farm the same piece of land for an indefinite number of years, during which time it should increase rather than diminish in fertility. By such demonstration it should be possible to put an end to the wasteful and permanently destructive methods at present employed of shifting cultivation.

The Agricultural Department has a piece of land on the Experiment Farm at Njala, which has been under crops annually for the past eight years, and the condition of it at present is said to be a more fertile one, owing to the system of manuring and rotation employed, than it was at the commencement of work. This is mentioned here, as it is in contradiction to the well-worn native excuse for changing the site of farms annually, _i.e._, that it is essential for the maintenance of the fertility of land that after a few years’ cultivation the “bush” be allowed to become re-established so that, on burning, a sufficient amount of wood ash may be obtained to renovate it.

(iv) To encourage the natives in the formation of permanent plantations of fruit and other economic trees.

To these ends, in the first place, analyses of soils from various parts of the country have been made by the Imperial Institute. At the same time samples of the soil taken from localities where kola, cocoa, rice and groundnuts were grown, have been compared with that from uncleared “bush.” The result of the examination, in the latter case, showed the soil had a deficiency of lime and phosphoric acid. A special analysis was also made of the soil of the Banana Islands, which was found to have an adequate quantity of nitrogen but to be deficient in potash and phosphoric acid.

With a view to producing a more satisfactory condition of soil in some parts, different leguminous crops have been cultivated and alternated with Sorghum millet (Guinea corn), maize and rice. Among the species tried by the Agricultural Department are: soya beans (_Glycine soja_), black gram (_Phaseolus mungo_), pigeon peas (_Cajanus indicus_), Java beans (_Phaseolus lunatus_), cowpeas (_Vigna catjang_), sword beans (_Canavalia ensiformis_) and horse-beans (_Dolichos lablab_). Yams and groundnuts have also been tried, and a yield of 6 tons 3 cwts. per acre of the former crop was obtained at the experimental farm at Njala in 1914.

=Forestry.=—On the formation of a Forestry Department in 1910, a survey was at once proceeded with, and active steps were taken to save from extinction the small extent of forest remaining in the Colony and Protectorate. From the survey it appeared that some 99 per cent. of the Protectorate primary forest had already been destroyed by the wasteful methods of farming generally practised. Intervals between the clearing of the bush for farms was from nine to five years, the effect of which was to entirely eliminate the primary forest areas. Where patches still remain, however, many useful species of timber trees are found. By the introduction of regular forest control and reafforestation, it is hoped that conditions may be improved to some extent, and economic trees especially preserved. Forest legislation has already been introduced to insure the preservation of copal trees.

[Illustration: =GOLD COAST=

Territory held by Great Britain under Mandate is hatched in Red. [Legend]

_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._]

=The Gold Coast, Ashanti And The Northern Territories=

=INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.= =Geographical Position.=—The Gold Coast Colony, with the dependencies of Ashanti and the Northern Territories, forms a nearly oblong tract of country, bounded on the north by the 11th parallel of north latitude and the French Sudan, on the south by the Gulf of Guinea, on the east by Togoland, and on the west by the Ivory Coast (French). The course of the Black Volta forms the natural boundary on the north-west, and that of the Daka, continued as the main Volta river, a large extent of the eastern, which, however, is in course of realignment.

=Area and Population.=—The area of the whole country is estimated at about 82,000 sq. miles, and the population at upwards of 1,500,000.

=Divisions.=—The Colony proper forms the most southern of the three divisions of which the country is composed, and is bounded on the north by an irregular line dividing it from Ashanti. This line commences upon the western frontier at a point about 6° 40′ N. and 3° 7′ W., and runs to a point on the Ofin river about 6° 30′ N. and 2° W., continuing southward along the course of the Ofin to its junction with the Pra river, whence it follows the last-named river in a north-easterly direction to near Abetifi, and continues in an irregular line to the Volta, meeting it below the junction of the Assuokoko stream. Ashanti is separated from the Northern Territories by an irregular boundary-line from east to west, on the south side of the Black and main Volta rivers. It is almost entirely forested up to the boundaries of the largest towns. A view of Kumassi, the capital, is given, showing the proximity of the forest (Fig. 14).

From a climatic as well as an agricultural standpoint the country is more conveniently divided into two parts by a line which sharply defines the limits of the region of dense forest from that of the grass lands with few trees, which is characteristic of the country to the north. This line is probably the northern limit of the tract of country subject to a prolonged rainy season, and owing to the density of the forest south of it seems to have constituted the extreme distance to which the Mohammedan conquerors from the north were able to penetrate, when attempting to subdue and convert the pagan tribes to their south. The improved methods of agriculture found among the tribes inhabiting the ultra-forest country of the Northern Territories may be attributable to the teaching of these conquering people. On account of the marked differences in the conditions and the agricultural development of the forest and ultra-forest regions, it appears to be more convenient to refer to the products from the Northern Territories in a separate part, and this course has been followed here.

Part I.—Gold Coast And Ashanti

=Origin of Tribes.=—Tradition among the natives maintains that the two great tribes of Fanti and Ashanti were originally from the same stock, and it is probable that this was also the case with regard to the people of Tufel, Denkera, Assin and Aquapim, who are said to speak a dialect of the same language as that of the Fantis and Ashantis. Completely different languages are, however, spoken by the Appolonias, Ahantas, Agoonahs, Accras, and Adampes living near the coast, and these are supposed to represent the remains of an earlier race.

The native belief is that the whole people were originally composed of twelve families or tribes, and that each was called by a separate name in some way indicating the occupation. According to Bowdich, those calling themselves after animals of the forest probably represented the families employing their time in hunting, and those bearing such names as cornstalk (Abrotoo) and plantain (Abbradi) applied themselves to agriculture. The name Agoonah, implying “oil-palm locality,” seems to have been applied to all those who were traders. Individuals are still said to assume these distinctive names without regard to their usual tribal affinities.

The probable reason for the backward condition of agriculture in the forest region is that a food supply was procurable from the forest itself, and the continual intertribal warfare, in which the people seemed to have been engaged, was opposed to the cultivation of crops, which might become an incentive to a covetous attack. More recently, since these conditions have become altered, through the pacification of the country, some of the tribes, who were the first to become settled, have adopted a form of cultivation which, although wasteful, seems to be common among the forest people of West Africa. By means of imperfect clearing of the ground before cultivation, and superficial turning up of the soil, small crops of grain (maize) and roots (yams and cassava) are raised, and the land is usually left to revert to a state of weeds and “bush” after two or three years’ use. This resembles the “Chena” system in Ceylon. The tribes who have developed a better and more economical form of working are those in whose districts the advent of cocoa planters has so raised the value of land that they are compelled to utilise the same plot more frequently for their annual crops. As an indication of this, the best cultivated fields are those of the Krobos, Akims, Krepes, and Kwahus, while the least advanced tribes are the Ashantis.

Owing to the remunerative return from cocoa cultivation in parts of the country, this commodity has attained the first place among exported agricultural and forest products. In recent years, moreover, development has been so rapid that the country is now the largest producer of cocoa in the world. Among exports, rubber, palm oil, palm kernels and timber follow it in order of importance.

=COCOA.=—As a preliminary to an account of the cocoa industry in the Gold Coast, it may be considered useful to refer briefly to the botanical position of the tree which produces cocoa, as well as to the varieties which are cultivated. A comparison of the methods employed in the Gold Coast with those adopted elsewhere seems also necessary.

The tree is a native of Trinidad and the north-eastern part of South America, and is botanically classified in the Natural Order _STERCULIACEÆ_, sub-Order _Buettnerieæ_, under the name of _Theobroma cacao_ of Linnæus.

In the West Indies, from which the cultivation has spread into several tropical countries, three fairly well-marked varieties are recognised as commercially useful, and these bear the local names of “Criollo,” “Forastero,” and “Calabacillo.” The first of these is said to be identical with that occurring at Caracas, in Venezuela, and is usually called by the name of that place when exported from South America. The _Criollo_ variety is the source of some of the highest-priced produce, but _Forastero_ has some points in its favour for general cultivation, the chief of which appears to be greater hardiness. For this reason it seems to have become easily established in the islands of San Thomé and Fernando Po, where the sub-variety known as _Amelonado_ is that of general occurrence, and to have spread from there to the mainland of West Africa. In Ceylon the _Forastero_ variety is also much grown in plantations. The third variety, _Calabacillo_, yields an inferior product and does not appear to have been introduced into the eastern hemisphere.[1]

Cocoa, as shipped from the plantations, is the dried bean or seed, which has been removed from the fruit pod of the tree, and may or may not have been fermented before drying. The properly fermented seeds or beans find more favour in European markets than those which have not undergone the process, but it is chiefly in an imperfectly fermented condition that cocoa beans are exported from the Gold Coast. Attempts are being made to alter this, so as to produce a better quality.

Cocoa forms a very nutritious food, and beverage after preparation by the manufacturer, entering the markets in a manufactured form under the names of cocoa or chocolate. No native manufacture is employed in the Gold Coast, although cocoa butter has been extracted on a small scale at Odumase.

The following account is that which is generally accepted regarding the first introduction of the tree into the Gold Coast. About the year 1879 a native trader, named Tete Quasshi, brought some of the seed from Fernando Po and made a small plantation at Mampong, which is situated about ten miles north of Aburi in the Volta River District. The trees grew well, and the first crops of pods were said to have been disposed of to other natives at £1 per pod. Following the example of this trader, the Basel Mission Trading Association imported more pods from Fernando Po, and for some time they were able to dispose of them at a large profit. The variety introduced was _Forastero-Amelonado_, and was found to thrive extremely well under the local conditions prevalent in the districts of the Volta River, Kwahu, and Eastern Akim.

The first shipment of cocoa from the Gold Coast was made in 1891, when 80 lbs., valued at £4, were exported. From that time onward the annual exported quantity has increased somewhat irregularly until the returns for 1919 show 176,155 tons, worth more than £8,000,000.

No estimate can be given of the area at present under cocoa cultivation, for the reason that a large number of the cultivators only possess a few trees standing near their houses or scattered in their farms. Where plantations exist they are usually small, and, owing to the irregularity of the planting, no efficient idea of the possible production could be obtained by measurement of the planted area alone.

Since the settlement of the Ashantis into more peaceful modes of living, and the adoption by them of agricultural work, cocoa planting has rapidly spread through Ashanti-Akim, and new plantations may be found even westward of Kumassi. From Axim also there is an extension of cocoa-growing towards the north, and it has recently been stated that the most promising land for the cultivation of the tree is to be found to the west of the railway, between Sekondi and Kumassi. The once proverbially truculent and warlike Ashantis have recently, to a large extent, become peaceful cocoa planters. Plantations are also found under European control, often in combination with rubber or kola; but cocoa does not combine with rubber as satisfactorily as coffee, which is more frequently employed. Under “Rubber” some particulars of the plantations, whose returns are available, are supplied.

In common with many other cultivated plants, cocoa requires certain definite combinations of climate and soil to ensure remunerative cultivation, and unless these exist the introduction is not to be recommended. With regard to climate, a considerable rainfall is generally thought necessary, the intervals of dry weather not being too prolonged. The drainage of the land should be good, for if the water cannot drain away within a reasonably short time, the trees will be adversely and often severely affected. Although it is recognised that cocoa can sustain itself under conditions of drought for a short time, districts subject to periodical absence of rain for a month or more are unsuitable, and trees planted in such places will generally die after a brief period. The annual rainfall in the cocoa districts of Trinidad averages about 72 inches, but a much heavier fall is experienced in the plantations of Ceylon. In neither of these countries, however, is there an annual long period of complete drought, which is a feature common in most parts of West Africa; and even when an interval without rain occurs, the humidity of the atmosphere compensates for the absence of it. Ceylon is visited by a double monsoon or rainy season, which is also the case in a less marked degree in the Gold Coast. The next requirement of importance is a soil of suitable quality. It is generally considered best to select land which possesses a moderate amount of loose clay mixed with sand, and, if the surface be thickly covered with vegetable deposit, so much the better. Steep hillsides, stiff, boggy, sandy, or rocky land are to be avoided. The presence of low scrub on uncleared land is an indication of poverty of soil, although the presence of heavy forest does not necessarily guarantee the suitability of the locality, as imperfectly drained land often bears a heavy forest growth. Good natural drainage is essential, and is nearly always found where the land slopes and the rock underlying the soil is friable or deep. Natural drainage can often be improved by artificial means. The last important condition necessary is the selection of a position where shade and wind protection can be obtained naturally to as great an extent as possible. Plantations in valleys, sheltered by mountain spurs or by belts of high forest, are suitable, and such formations are met with in many parts of the Gold Coast and Ashanti. In these localities the climate as well as the positions and soil obtainable are generally so well adapted for the fruitful growth of cocoa that, even where the average annual rainfall is as low as 41 inches (the average at Aburi), plantations are proving successful, the regular distribution, humidity of the atmosphere, and the natural shade constituting a compensation for the shortage.

The native planter sows the seeds in small patches or in roughly prepared beds in the vicinity of water, often in such proximity to one another as to choke a number of the young plants. This form of nursery is met with throughout the forests, and it is common to find circular patches containing two or three hundred plants adjoining a road. In addition to this, a large number of seedlings are grown at, and distributed from, the Government Botanic Gardens. Native plantations are for the most part formed of irregular lines of trees, generally planted too closely. The evil effect of this does not become apparent until the trees attain a large size, when the excessive shade they afford to their fruit-bearing branches, which in cocoa consist of the trunk and main structure, prevents the fruit from forming and induces rot through want of evaporation of moisture. The native planter is slow to recognise this, and disinclined to remedy the matter by removing some of the trees. The distance at which cocoa trees are planted by the native is roughly from 7 to 10 feet apart, whereas that recommended for plantations in the West Indies and Ceylon varies, with the quality of the soil and the elevation, from 12 to 15 feet; the latter would be more suitable for most of the Gold Coast plantations. The advantage which the native planter sees in his method of planting is, that in addition to getting a larger number of trees into a given space, the density of their foliage soon becomes so great that weeds cease to grow beneath, rendering cultivation unnecessary. Until such a state has been arrived at, the cutting of weeds is an operation which may have to be performed twice, or even three times, in the year. This is the only form of cultivation given, no manure being used or any breaking of the soil done. In the West Indies it is not customary to disturb the surface soil, except in so far as it may be necessary to apply manure or remove catch crops; but even in these cases great care is exercised, as it is found that the cocoa tree is to a large extent a surface feeder, and spreads lateral fine roots at very little depth below the surface. Shade is obtained naturally to a large degree, but in the early years of the tree’s existence, cassava and plantains are planted to afford it. The plantation of Para rubber with cocoa has been recommended in such a manner that each would occur alternately in a diagonal line. This does not appear a very satisfactory plan, owing to the fact that Para rubber trees in West Africa shed their leaves annually at about the time that cocoa most needs shade. In the small patches of cocoa trees, which constitute most of the native plantations, permanent and sufficient shade is generally given by the surrounding forest trees, and it is of small importance in such cases to consider the plantation of permanent shade trees.

=Pruning,= in the West Indies, is attended with the greatest amount of care, and is performed for the purpose of producing a vigorous tree by the removal of all useless wood, and of encouraging fruiting branches to increase their production. In order to do the latter it is essential to remove any superfluous number of primary branches, three or four being considered sufficient for one tree. A similar regulation of growth is required with regard to the secondary and tertiary branches. In addition to this, care is given to retain the correct balance for the tree, and, when cutting out branches, to avoid making jagged cuts or slashes. The West African native does not prune with these objects in view, but employs a “cutlass” or “machete” to cut out those branches which seem to be giving too much shade or which have become interlaced, regardless of their value to the tree or of the wounds inflicted in the operation. Efforts have been made to teach pruning at the Botanical Stations, but the demonstrations have not been largely attended, and a great deal of damage continues to be done through ignorance of the objects and effects of pruning. Many of the older plantations, owing to bad treatment and too close planting, are yielding an annually diminishing crop, but new ones are springing up in increasing numbers each year, which is an obvious indication that the industry is proving a profitable one.

=Insect Pests and Vegetable Parasites.=—Wounds, such as those described above, often render the tree more susceptible to the attacks of insect pests; but, although it has been stated that cocoa trees in the Gold Coast are seriously affected in this way, such is not often the case. Beetles of the _Longicorn_ group are found damaging the tree to some extent wherever it has been planted. Two species are recorded from the West Indies: _Steirastoma histrionica_, White, from Trinidad, and _S. depressa_, Linn., from Grenada. On the trees in the Gold Coast _Armatosterna buquetiana_, White, and a _Glenea sp._ have been found doing similar damage. These insects deposit their eggs in crevices of the bark or on wounds, and the grubs which emerge bore into the trunk, living and growing in size in the interior of the wood until mature, when they change into pupæ, and finally into beetles. The presence of these grubs is easily detected by the quantity of fine particles of wood or “frass” which are thrown out of the entrance hole; and, if a flexible wire be inserted until it reaches and impales the grub, it will often prevent the damage becoming serious. The nests of large red ants (_Œcophylla sp._), which feed upon the saccharine juices which exude from the pods, may often be observed on cocoa trees, but as the ants viciously bite any living thing which may venture upon the tree, they are probably a safeguard against the depredations of rats and squirrels that eat out the contents of the ripe fruit while still on the tree.

[Illustration: COCOA AT MRAMRA ATTACKED BY BLACK COCOA-BARK BUG.

Fig. 16, p. 51.]

[Illustration: DRYING COCOA BEANS AT MRAMRA.

Fig. 17, p. 53.]

[Illustration: NATIVE TAPPING INDIGENOUS RUBBER TREE (_FUNTUMIA ELASTICA_), OBOAMANG, ASHANTI.

Fig. 18, p. 61.]

In 1909 the writer drew attention to a black hemipterous insect causing destruction to plantations in the Ashanti-Akim region, where careless cultivation prevailed (cf. _Bull. Entom. Research_, vol. i. pt. viii. 1910). This insect, known as the “Black cocoa-bark bug” or “Sankonuabe,” was named _Sahlbergella theobroma_, Distant, and subsists in all its stages upon the sap of cocoa branches obtained through punctures made by its proboscis.[2] The attacked trees are atrophied or killed outright (Fig. 16). Spraying with petroleum-soap emulsion has proved an effective remedy, but native planters do not readily adopt it. Recently the insect has been found sapping the silk cotton tree, and planters are warned against having this tree in their plantations.

Another insect, which belongs to the same Order as the last, and the genus _Helopeltis_, has been observed puncturing the pods and causing them to become black-spotted, distorted, and sometimes killed by the attack. This is allied to _H. Antonii_, Sign., which punctures cocoa pods in the same manner in Ceylon. The insect does not appear to be numerous at present, but should be sought on damaged pods and killed at every opportunity, as some species of the same genus have developed into the worst enemies of tea and cinchona in other parts of the world.

Fungoid parasites appear to be rare in the Gold Coast, although they have been observed commonly in other places in Africa. In some of the damper parts of Ashanti a fungoid thread blight was observed on cocoa, and was found to be common upon several forest shrubs in the same places. This is perhaps _Stilbum nanum_, Massee; it should be treated by means of scraping with a wooden knife combined with spraying with Bordeaux mixture.

=Harvesting and Preparing.=—The native cocoa grower collects the pods from his trees at the time when he estimates he can gather the most, and, in consequence, many over-ripe and under-ripe fruits are taken with the ripe. The effect of this is to give an irregular product which can never possess the attributes of a good cocoa. The pods are usually pulled off the tree, a knife being seldom used; and in the action of pulling off, the cushion, upon which the pod is borne, is often torn and injured. As it is from this point, or near it, that the successive crops of flowers and fruits proceed, the bearing power of the tree is frequently diminished in this way. The use of a knife and the necessity for frequent pickings, to ensure the pods being taken when mature, are among the most important lessons which the native planter should be taught. The pods after collection are thrown into a heap upon the ground, and are often left without further attention for two or three days, after which they are broken open with the aid of a “cutlass,” and the contents are scooped out into a basket. The result is a mixture of beans, in their surrounding pulp, in different stages of maturity. The length of time that the beans remain in the basket is generally only regulated by the convenience of the collector. The next operation is to remove as much of the pulp as possible by washing in a stream, and this is more easily effected with the over-ripe beans or with those which have been allowed to “sweat” or ferment. After washing, the beans are spread thinly upon mats, raised upon rough frames, in order to dry them in the sun. An illustration is given showing this process (Fig. 17). Such is the crude and irregular method employed by the natives of the Gold Coast, who until quite recently had little or no knowledge of the advantages of fermentation. Owing to the small quantities with which they worked at one time, it is probable that the fermenting action in the pulp was seldom set up. During the last few years attention has been given to this by the more intelligent planters, and it is not uncommon to find that boxes and barrels have been brought into use by them, and that fermentation has been allowed to proceed for from four to ten days with satisfactory results. Drying is still conducted in the manner described above, and is often incomplete, but, to remedy the defects of this, one of the European buying firms has erected a drying machine, in which all the cocoa bought is thoroughly dried before shipment.

The skilled cocoa planter of the West Indies and Ceylon is careful to pick only those pods which are quite mature, and, in order to do this, he is obliged to go over his plantation frequently. Mature pods are those which have assumed a yellowish or reddish colour, and considerable experience is necessary to judge this with accuracy. The pods are removed by means of a cutting instrument called a “cocoa hook,” with which care can be more easily given to the preservation of the cushion. The pods are placed in heaps and, in the case of small estates where one day’s picking is insufficient to procure a fermentation, they are left for, perhaps, two days until a sufficient quantity has been obtained. Sorting, according to variety and degree of maturity, is resorted to before opening, and, again, when cut open, care is taken to separate such beans as are found over-ripe. This practice is strictly adhered to in Ceylon, but is often disregarded in the West Indies. No washing is done at this stage, but the beans, with their pulp attached, are placed in barrels, boxes, or vats for the purpose of fermentation, which is brought about by the decomposition of the pulp, and is complete when the liquor, thus formed, has impregnated the interior of the bean and changed the colour of it from purple to rich chocolate brown. The shell becomes toughened, and the remaining pulp is more easily removed after this process has been undergone. Washing, if it is considered necessary, is then proceeded with, and is generally done in Ceylon, though not in the West Indies. Drying is chiefly done in the sun in the West Indies, and the beans are spread thickly and turned constantly. Drying houses, which have roofs capable of being slid over the cocoa on the approach of rain, are used. In Ceylon hot air distributed by centrifugal fans is the common method. Polishing, which is often employed in the West Indies, is done by sifting finely powdered red earth over the partly dried beans while they are exposed to the sun, when, it is maintained, the earth assists to remove the remaining pulp as well as to absorb the moisture, at the same time giving the surfaces of the beans a polished exterior. Annatto is said to be used instead of red earth in Venezuela, but the addition of this is, presumably, with the object of colouring, rather than polishing. “Dancing” is an operation designed to prevent the development of mildew, and consists of treading the beans with the bare feet.

Some of the large manufacturers in Europe have recommended that the Gold Coast planters should ferment their produce, but should not wash the beans after fermentation.

=Markets.=—Certain large cocoa-buying centres are recognised, which, in the Volta River district, are situated at the foot of the hilly country, in positions convenient for transport to the ports of shipment. In addition to these, however, a good deal of buying is proceeded with at smaller places in the midst of the growing districts, but these probably represent the localities for the transactions carried on by agents or middlemen. Until the produce is actually in the hands of the shippers, the conveyance of cocoa is almost entirely done by head-loads of about 60 lbs. The head-load is the standard for trading, and the local price quoted is always with reference to it. It is customary for the buying shippers to send out their agents to the cocoa districts to arrange for the purchase of the crops, and it is always necessary that such purchases should be paid for in silver, no notes or cheques being accepted. Owing to competition during the past few years, the agents have often paid the grower a sum of money long before his crop was ready for picking, in order to guarantee that it may be bought by no one else. This has had the effect of making the grower careless in the preparation of his crop, and has caused the production of much bad material. The report that at another town, often distant by many days’ journey, a higher price is being paid than that obtained in a market close at hand, will frequently induce a native to convey his head-loads to the distant market, regardless of the fact that the extra shilling or so he may receive does not appear to be sufficient compensation for the additional labour and time expended. This points to the fact that the native does not put the same value on his time and labour when he is working for himself as he does when he is employed by others.

The buyers of cocoa pack it in bags for shipment, and these are conveyed to the ports by motor lorries or placed inside large casks, similar to those used for palm oil, and rolled along the roads. Some of the shipments are conveyed in river steamers on the Volta, and, more recently, owing to the growers having found a better market for a short time at Kumassi, a considerable amount was sent by rail from that place to Sekondi. In consequence of the imperfect state of dryness in which the cocoa is often sold by the planter, a great amount of care should be exercised before mixing and packing. Sorting is not much practised, and some of the beans often become attacked by mildew before reaching Europe, which depreciates the value of the whole package. It is partly owing to the disregard of the precautions of sorting and final drying that the West African cocoa has earned such a bad name, and if more shippers were to follow the example set by the one firm that has erected a drying apparatus, it would do much to improve matters in this direction. Cocoa is difficult to dry completely in the growing districts by means of the sun, as the atmosphere in these localities is often so humid that the beans absorb moisture when removed from the sun’s rays, and it is for this reason especially that the final drying should be done by the shippers. Transport to the ports of shipment from the growing districts will be facilitated by the construction of a short railway, which it is contemplated making from Accra, and until this is ready the carriage by head-loads, cask-rolling, and motor lorries will probably continue. The presence of the “tsetse” fly throughout the growing districts prevents the possibility of draught cattle being used.

A system of pooling purchases was agreed upon some years ago by a number of leading shippers, in accordance with which competition among themselves was suppressed, and a fixed price was to be given for all cocoa. This action was doubtless taken in order to prevent ruinous competition, but had the effect of checking improvement in the quality, as no encouragement was given to the planter to prepare the cocoa with greater care. The few shippers who did not join in this “combine” were enabled to obtain the better qualities at a very slightly enhanced price. In 1906 the general quality of Gold Coast cocoa had so deteriorated that the merchants were asked by the Government for their assistance to improve it. This led to an inquiry which revealed the state of affairs mentioned above. The obvious remedy of paying a price according to quality did not find favour with the combine, who appear to have argued that it would not profit them to pay a higher price for the small variable lots of improved produce which might result. It was stated by some of the local merchants in Accra that Gold Coast cocoa was generally suitable for sale in certain European markets, where it was adapted for the manufacture of a cheap form of sweetmeat, and that, if the quality were improved and the price raised in consequence, damage would be done to a new and rapidly growing trade. The merchants ultimately agreed to endeavour to improve the standard of quality, and it was arranged that all the cocoa brought in to the markets at Aimensa and Dodowa should be graded, with a view to regulating the price according to grade. This plan fell through at the last moment, as a test sample of picked cocoa was said to have been priced at only 1_s_. 6_d_. per cwt. over ordinary “Accra” in the European market. The fall in the value of the residue was said to be uncompensated for by the small increase mentioned.

=Improvement of Quality.=—Inquiries conducted by the Imperial Institute pointed to the fact that well-prepared Gold Coast cocoa could obtain high prices in Europe. In 1907 a consignment was sent to the Imperial Institute for examination and report, and proved to be of good quality, and when subsequently sold, it obtained a high price. This established confidence with regard to the possibility of fine grades being prepared in the country. During this year, owing to the action of the Fernando Po and San Thomé growers, in withholding their crop, a greater demand was created for Gold Coast cocoa, and the advent of large buyers, working outside the “combine,” forced the local price to a high figure. This did not assist in the improvement of the quality, as the competition induced native buying agents to buy the produce in almost any form, in consequence of which large quantities of imperfectly dried stuff were obtained. On the market becoming steadier, many of the more intelligent natives realised the advantage of careful preparation, to which they are now turning their attention.

Towards this latter result Messrs. Cadbury Bros., Ltd., rendered great assistance. This firm sent representatives into the country, who proved to the natives that they were willing to pay an enhanced price for cocoa prepared in a manner suitable for their requirements. A fair amount of cocoa was purchased by them, and demonstrations were made in some places with regard to the proper mode of fermentation. In addition to this a number of seedlings of the _Criollo_ variety were given to the Agricultural Department for experimental work at the Aburi Botanic Station.

The _Forastero-amelonado_ variety, a hardy but commercially inferior kind, has been mainly employed in plantations, and experiments have been carried on for some years at Aburi with _Pentagona_, _Caracas_ and _Cundeamor_ besides _Criollo_ mentioned above. Such good results were obtained with _Cundeamor_ that, in 1913, keen competition was aroused among planters to obtain seed. The years 1913 and 1914 are said to have shown an improvement in the quality of the cocoa produced. The attention of the Agricultural Department has been given to the general instruction of the natives in improved methods of cultivation and preparation, both by means of lectures and demonstrations at the Botanic Stations and by the issue of pamphlets in English and the Twi language. There was at first an insufficient staff for instruction to be given except at the Botanic Stations, and only those growers who lived in the vicinity were able to obtain benefit from it. After holding several conferences with chiefs and planters in the cocoa districts it became evident that the appointment of European Travelling Instructors was necessary, and following this the Government detailed certain officers for the work; the object being that they should occupy a large portion of their time in travelling through the country in order to give personal instruction to the natives in correct methods of treating cocoa and other agricultural products. Persons selected by chiefs are now trained to act as instructors in planting in their own native towns.

The preparation of a large quantity of cocoa of even quality is so greatly dependent upon the similarity of the treatment and conditions at a time when the material is undergoing fermentation and drying, that it is almost imperative that a large quantity should be prepared at one operation. This is an important consideration in British West Africa, where native plantations range in size from a few trees to about five acres in extent, the average being perhaps about a hundred trees, or, roughly, one-tenth of an acre. The production of each plantation is at present prepared independently, and the result of one picking of pods, if all mature, is often quite inadequate to yield sufficient for fermentation purposes, it being recognised that a few hundredweights of beans in their pulp are necessary for the satisfactory accomplishment of the operation. The same difficulty has presented itself in the West Indies with regard to the crops picked by owners of small plantations, and arrangements are usually made by some larger concern in the neighbourhood to purchase the pods from them. The establishment of central fermenting and drying houses, controlled by the shippers themselves, would perhaps get over the difficulty on the Gold Coast and result in a superior class of cocoa being produced. The planters would doubtless consent to sell their pods, instead of performing the laborious work of preparation themselves, and would probably be able to extend the size of their individual plantations, which, by reason of their inability to prepare more cocoa, single-handed, they have been unable, hitherto, to do. The efforts of the Administration to improve the preparation have been somewhat handicapped by the system employed by some merchants of securing the crop for themselves, by money advances, with but little regard to its preparation, and of pooling the produce.

Cocoa planting has revolutionised the native system of land titles. Where only annual crops were under consideration, a short, temporary occupation with subsequent reversion to tribal ownership seemed an adequate provision, but with the establishment of permanent cocoa plantations the planter claimed perpetual and undivided proprietorship.

Further information regarding Gold Coast cocoa will be found in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, 1907, p. 361; 1912, pp. 240, 556; 1913, p. 154; 1914, p. 387; 1915, pp. 149, 645; 1916, p. 123; 1917, p. 117; 1919, pp. 49, 102; and Johnson’s _Cocoa_, 1912.

=Exports of Cocoa.=—The exports of cocoa from 1900 to 1919 are as follows:

Year Tons Year Tons Year Tons 1900 536 1907 9,355 1914 52,888 1901 980 1908 12,743 1915 77,278 1902 2,396 1909 20,213 1916 72,162 1903 2,276 1910 22,631 1917 90,964 1904 5,112 1911 39,726 1918 66,342 1905 5,093 1912 38,647 1919 176,155 1906 8,975 1913 50,554

=RUBBER.= =Indigenous Species.=—The most important source of rubber in the Gold Coast and Ashanti is the indigenous tree locally called “Ofruntum”; a comparatively small amount is also derived from some of the vines belonging to the same Natural Order, and from one or more of the wild trees of the Ficus Order.

Reports on the quality and commercial value of some of the principal kinds of rubber obtained in the Gold Coast are published in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. v. (1907), p. 248.

=Botanical Position of the “Ofruntum” Tree.=—The “Ofruntum,” or African rubber, is botanically placed in the Natural Order _APOCYNACEÆ_, under the specific name of _Funtumia elastica_, Stapf. Until recently it was referred to as _Kicksia africana_, Benth. and others (a genus which is not known to occur in West Africa), and it was also confused with a very nearly allied species, occurring in the same localities, and now known as _Funtumia africana_, Stapf. Owing to the great similarity which these species of Funtumia bear to one another, it is important that the differences between them should be recognised, _F. africana_ not furnishing any but very inferior rubber. The most reliable method of testing the species which produces rubber, is by rubbing a small quantity of latex between the finger and thumb, when small particles of rubber should be quickly formed, the latex of _F. africana_ becoming only a sticky mass under the operation. The leaf of _F. elastica_ can usually be recognised by the presence of a small pit at the origin of each secondary nerve or vein on the under-surface, which feature is not characteristic of the leaf of _F. africana_, although recently individual trees have been found exhibiting this peculiarity. The flower bud of _F. elastica_ is typically much shorter than that of _F. africana_, and the double seed pod of the former species is shorter and more blunt than that of the latter.

=Distribution of _F. elastica_.=—The Funtumia rubber tree occurs in a wild state in the forests throughout the Gold Coast and Ashanti, although it has been nearly exterminated in some parts. It appears to be most plentiful in the dense forest regions of Northern Ashanti.

=Native Methods for Preparing.=—Funtumia rubber is exported under the names of “Ashanti lump” and “Niggers,” which consist of much adulterated, evil-smelling substances, for which a low price is procurable in comparison with that paid for pure rubber. In certain years the demand for this has been maintained, but the adequate supplies of good rubber from elsewhere, and the rapid expansion of the cocoa industry, have caused a diminution in the export of native-made rubber, which has been replaced to a small extent by plantation rubber.

The wild trees grow from 50 to 100 feet in height, and often have a girth of three feet at four feet from the base; the trunk being commonly without branches for a considerable height. The native ascends the trunk by means of a sling passed round it, to one end of which is a loop which fits over his right thigh and to the other a stirrup in which he keeps his left foot. By moving the rope up the tree the ascent is quickly accomplished, and when stationary, both hands are left free. The climber carries a gouge, or semi-cylindrically-faced chisel, with which he cuts vertical as well as transverse oblique grooves, forming a rough “herring-bone” pattern, which may be continued for the whole length of the trunk, and even extend on to the main branches. To make the cuts the tool is either used in one hand or is held in the left and driven by blows on the end of the handle, given with the palm of the right hand. The flow of latex commences at once, and is directed down the vertical channel into a calabash placed at the base of the tree, into which the latex is guided by a lip of clay or a chip of wood. The illustration shows a native in Ashanti tapping a tree (Fig. 18). The quantity of latex procured at the one tapping varies; an exceptionally large amount being about two quarts from a large tree. The tree is not tapped again for several months and until the wounds have healed. On the second tapping the same form of cuts is made upon the opposite side of the tree, and the transverse channels often intersect those made previously; besides this, owing to the want of regulation in the depth of the cuts, the inner or cambium layer of the bark may be so damaged that the intersecting cuts may ring the tree and cause death. Few trees probably survive the third or fourth tapping.

[Illustration: “ODUM” TREES _CHLOROPHORA EXCELSA_.

Fig. 19, p. 72.]

[Illustration: PARA RUBBER TREE (_HEVEA BRASILIENSIS_), TAPPED AT ABURI.

Fig. 20, p. 66.]

[Illustration: RUBBER TREE TAPPED, HERRING-BONE SYSTEM IMPERFECT, ABURI.

Fig. 21, p. 61.]

If the herring-bone cuts were made carefully upon the lower part of the trunk, and attention given to their depth and direction, the tree might be preserved for a longer period. An illustration given shows the incorrect mode of tapping, where the transverse cuts are opposite instead of alternate (Fig. 21). Experiments seem to show that there is not the same “wound response” in the case of Funtumia trees as is found in that of the “Para” tree (_Hevea brasiliensis_); the paring of the wounds some days after tapping yielding no flow of latex similar to that procured in the first instance. On cutting the bark area between the transverse channels, the latex cells appeared to be empty and to indicate that a large area is drained on the first tapping. Further investigatio